scholarly journals THE USA AND JAPAN IN WORLD POLITICS

Author(s):  
S. V. Volkov

The complexity and importance of the study of the U.S. – Japan relations in world politics requires continuous improvement of scientific methods. However, works which would analyze the U.S. – Japan relations as a single organism are practically nonexistent. The article analyzes the U.S. – Japan relations as a whole integrative system with a specific structure. The institutionalization of the American- Japanese system, its interaction with world politics are considered especially. The author determines structure of the system, detects leading interactions between its elements, examines the integrity of the American-Japanese system, its levels and hierarchy, dynamics of functioning. The study attempts to prove the author’s methodology which considers bilateral U.S. – Japan institutions as the basis of the American – Japanese system. As part of this methodology the conjugation between the system of bilateral American- Japanese institutions and world politics is analyzed. The dependence of the system on world politics and the dependence of world politics on changes in the U.S. – Japan relations are also revealed. As a result of the study an integral picture of the U.S. – Japan relations is demonstrated. The logic and patterns of their development are determined. It is shown that globalization, changes in balance of power, emergence of a vast number of non-state actors on a world stage changed and continue to change U.S. – Japan relations. What is more, the transformation of the U.S. – Japan relations is the transformation of world politics itself.

2015 ◽  
Vol 59 (12) ◽  
pp. 30-40
Author(s):  
V. Vasil'ev

The article investigates approaches taken by major political parties and civil society in the FRG toward the Transatlantic partnership. It reveals the tendencies of the prospective promotion of Berlin’s cooperation with Washington; the article also gives a forecast of further interaction between the EU and the USA, indicates the direction of discourse regarding the future Russia–Germany relations model in the context of the Ukrainian crisis and in reference to the increased transatlantic solidarity. Disputes in German socio-political circles on the issue of the FRG’s policy toward the U.S. are emerging all the time, but they have to be considered within a concrete historical and political context. Being of primary significance for all German chancellors, the Trans-Atlantic factor has been shaping itself in a controversial way as to the nation’s public opinion. This has been confirmed by many opinion polls, including the survey on the signing of the EU–U.S. Agreement on the Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership. Chancellor A. Merkel is playing an important role: she is either ascribed full compliancy with Washington, or is being tentatively shown as a consistent government figure in advancing and upholding of Germany's and the EU's interests. A. Merkel has implemented her peace-seeking drive in undoing the Ukrainian tangle by setting up the “Normandy format” involving the leaders of Germany, France, Russia and Ukraine while having cleared it through with the U.S. President B. Obama well in advance. Despite the increasing criticism of Washington’s policy among some part of Germans, for the majority of German voters, the USA remains a country of implementable hopes, the only power in the world possessing a high education level and the most advanced technologies. Americans, for their part, are confident of the important role that Berlin plays in world politics, particularly in what concerns the maintenance of unity within the EU. Berlin aims at further constructive interaction with the USA in the frame of NATO as well as within other Trans-Atlantic formats. Notwithstanding the steady tendency toward increasing of the Washington policy’s critical perception degree in German society, officially Berlin continues as Washington’s true ally, partner and friend. There is every reason to believe that after the 2017 Bundestag elections, the new (the former) Chancellor will have to face a modernized Trans-Atlantic partnership philosophy, with a paradigm also devised in the spirit of the bloc discipline and commitments to allies. The main concern for Berlin is not to lose its sovereign right of decision-making, including the one that deals with problems of European security and relations with Moscow. Regrettably, Germany is not putting forward any innovative ideas on aligning a new architecture of European security with Russia’s participation. Meanwhile, German scholars and experts are trying to work out a tentative algorithm of a gradual return to the West’s full-fledged dialogue with Russia, which, unfortunately, is qualified as an opponent by many politicians. Predictably, the Crimea issue will remain a long-lasting political irritant in relations between Russia and Germany. Although not every aspect of Berlin’s activation in its foreign policy finds support of the German public, and the outburst of anti-American feeling is obvious, experts believe that the government of the FRG is “merely taking stock of these phenomena and ignores them”. Evident is the gap between the government's line and the feeling of the German parties’ basis – the public. It is noteworthy that the FRG has not yet adopted the Law on Holding General Federal Referendums on key issues of the domestic and foreign policy. There is every indication to assume that the real causes of abandoning the nationwide referendums are the reluctance of the German ruling bureaucracy and even its apprehensions of the negative voting returns on sensitive problems, – such as basic documents and decisions of the EU, the export of German arms, relations with the U.S., etc. The harmony between Berlin’s "Realpolitik" and German public opinion is not yet discernible within the system of Trans-Atlantic axes.


Author(s):  
G. John Ikenberry

The end of the Cold War was a “big bang” reminiscent of earlier moments after major wars, such as the end of the Napoleonic Wars in 1815 and the end of the world wars in 1919 and 1945. But what do states that win wars do with their newfound power, and how do they use it to build order? This book examines postwar settlements in modern history, arguing that powerful countries do seek to build stable and cooperative relations, but the type of order that emerges hinges on their ability to make commitments and restrain power. The book explains that only with the spread of democracy in the twentieth century and the innovative use of international institutions—both linked to the emergence of the United States as a world power—has order been created that goes beyond balance of power politics to exhibit “constitutional” characteristics. Blending comparative politics with international relations, and history with theory, the book will be of interest to anyone concerned with the organization of world order, the role of institutions in world politics, and the lessons of past postwar settlements for today.


Author(s):  
Токтобек Рыскулов

Аннотация. В статье очерчено геополитическое и геостратегическое положение ЦА. Охарактеризована внешнеполитическая ситуация в ЦА в контексте новых тенденций в мировой политике. Показаны основные интересы и политические тренды РФ, США, КНР по отношения к государствам ЦА. Отмечено, что современная Центральная Азия, притягивает к себе все большее внимание внешних игроков. Объяснение кроется в том, что Центральная Азия обладает не только удобным геополитическим и выгодным геостратегическим положением, но и большим количеством природных ресурсов. Анализируя современные российско-китайские отношения приходим к мысли, что не все так безоблачно во взаимоотношениях двух государств, ведь еще никто не опроверг постулат о постоянных интересах государств и о непостоянстве друзей. В недалеком будущем конкуренция за энергоресурсы (газ, нефть) ЦА приведет к обострению отношений, к конфликту интересов России и Китая, практически это политическая аксиома. Готовы ли государства ЦА и России к такому сценарию политических событий? Ключевые слова: Центральна Азия, геополитика и геостратегия. Большая Игра, РФ, США, КНР. ЕАЭС, Большая Центральная Азия, ТНК, терроризм, экстремизм. Аннотация. Макалада геосаясий жана геостратегиялык абалдары чийилген. Борбордук Азиядагы тышкы саясий кырдаал дүйнөлүк саясаттагы жаңы тенденциялардын контекстинде мүнөздөлдү. БА мамлекеттеринин мамилелери боюнча РФ, АКШ, КЭР негизги кызыкчылыктары жана саясий тренддери көрсөтүлдү. Учурдагы Борбордук Азия тышкы оюнчулардын көбүрөөк көңүлүн өзүнө тартып жаткандыгы байкалган. Түшүндүрмө берүү, Борбордук Азия ыңгайлуу геосаясий жана пайдалуу геостратегиялык абалга гана ээ болбостон, көптөгөн жаратылыш ресурстарына ээ. Анализируя заманбап российско-кытай мамилелери приходим карата ойлорун, бул эмес баары эле безоблачно өз ара мамилелеринде эки мамлекеттин, анткени дагы эч ким опроверг постулат жөнүндө туруктуу кызыкчылыгында мамлекеттердин жөнүндө жана непостоянстве досторунун. Жакынкы келечекте ба энергия ресурстары үчүн атаандаштык (газ, мунай) Россия жана Кытайдын таламдарынын кагылышына, мамилелердин күчөшүнө алып келет, бул иш жүзүндө саясий аксиома. Борбордук Азия жана Орусия мамлекеттери мындай жагдайды саясий окуяларга даярбы? Түйүндүү сөздөр: Борбор Азия, геополитика жана геостратегия. Чоң оюн, РФ, АКШ, КЭР. ЕАЭС, Чоң Борбордук Азия, ТНК, терроризм, экстремизм. Annotation. The article outlines the geopolitical and geostrategic position of Central Asia. The article describes the foreign policy situation in Central Asia in the context of new trends in world politics. The main interests and political trends of the Russian Federation, the USA, China in relation to the Central Asian States are shown. It is noted that modern Central Asia attracts more and more attention of external players. The explanation lies in the fact that Central Asia has not only a convenient geopolitical and advantageous geostrategic position, but also a large number of natural resources. Analyzing the current Russian-Chinese relations, we come to the conclusion that not everything is so cloudless in the relations between the two States, because no one has yet refuted the postulate about the permanent interests of States and the impermanence of friends. In the near future, competition for energy resources (gas, oil) in Central Asia will lead to an aggravation of relations, to a conflict of interests between Russia and China, this is practically a political axiom. Are the Central Asian and Russian States ready for such a scenario of political events? Key words: Central Asia, geopolitics & geostrategy. Big Game, the RF, the USA, the CPR. EAEC, Big Central Asia, Transnational Corporation, terrorism, extremism


1990 ◽  
Vol 22 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 49-56
Author(s):  
E. D. Smith ◽  
R. J. Scholze

This paper presents a review of collected experience of one of the U.S. Corps of Engineers research laboratories in the area of small systems for wastewater treatment. Findings and experiences are presented for the use of package plants such as rotating biological contactors (RBCs), and remote site waste treatment at military installations and recreation areas.


2002 ◽  
Vol 28 (4) ◽  
pp. 697-717 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Goldfischer

Realist international relations scholars have approached the connection between economics and security in two ways. Cold War-era realists derived the national interest from the international balance of power, and assessed the utility of both military and economic instruments of statecraft. A second realist approach, advanced by E. H. Carr in his 1939 The Twenty Years' Crisis, places interstate competition in the context of another struggle over wealth and power in which no-one's primary concern is the national interest. That is the realm of capitalism (and resistance to capitalism). That deeper set of connections between economics and security was overlooked in Cold War IR literature, at considerable cost to our understanding of world politics. Understanding why Carr's ‘historical realism’ was bypassed can help pave the way for a more fruitful realist approach to comprehending a new era in world politics.


Author(s):  
Roberto Ballini

The late 20th and early 21st centuries have seen a phenomenal growth of the global economy and a continuous improvement of the standard of living in industrialized countries. Sustainable development has consequently become an ideal goal and, in the early 1990s, the concept of Green Chemistry was launched in the USA as a new paradigm.


Author(s):  
E. Solov’ev

Unlike his predecessors, Barak Obama is bound to work amidst global balance of power rapidly changing to the disfavor of American interests. All attempts of the U.S. to build an unipolar world under its domination have failed. Obama is vigorously seeking to restructure U.S.–Russia relations; however, the divergence of interests in many fields is evident, and neither Washington nor Moscow can agree on the partnership as formulated by the other side.


2018 ◽  
Vol 43 (2) ◽  
pp. 7-44 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Beckley

Power is the most important variable in world politics, but scholars and policy analysts systematically mismeasure it. Most studies evaluate countries’ power using broad indicators of economic and military resources, such as gross domestic product and military spending, that tally their wealth and military assets without deducting the costs they pay to police, protect, and serve their people. As a result, standard indicators exaggerate the wealth and military power of poor, populous countries, such as China and India. A sounder approach accounts for these costs by measuring power in net rather than gross terms. This approach predicts war and dispute outcomes involving great powers over the past 200 years more accurately than those that use gross indicators of power. In addition, it improves the in-sample goodness-of-fit in the majority of studies published in leading journals over the past five years. Applying this improved framework to the current balance of power suggests that the United States’ economic and military lead over other countries is much larger than typically assumed, and that the trends are mostly in America's favor.


2016 ◽  
Vol 138 (01) ◽  
pp. 30-35 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gary Cowger

This article highlights advantages of Lean Manufacturing in the manufacturing industry. The U.S. Bureau of Census survey shows that leaner the company, the faster it grows and the more profitable, productive, and innovative it becomes. It is a constellation of interrelated processes that improve productivity and reduce waste through continuous monitoring, evaluation, and improvement. The successful results of lean implementation have shown that workers are going to have to take more responsibility for outcomes, and managers are going to have to treat workers like partners. However, lean brings out the skepticism in many engineers and owners of small- and medium-sized businesses. It takes a lot to convince them to invest the time and money needed to transform even a modest factory into a lean operation. Lean has proven to be a philosophy of continuous improvement, as learning how to expose and fix problems creates sustainable advantages that are expected to continue in the future.


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