scholarly journals Взаимодействие науки и власти: наука на службе у власти?

Author(s):  
Ю.В. Черновицкая

Взаимоотношения науки как важнейшего интеллектуального ресурса и власти являются необходимым звеном политического развития и модернизации общества. На современном этапе выделяются такие формы власти, как биовласть, власть стандартов и инфраструктур, нетократия и др. В статье рассматривается вопрос о том, как наука соотносится с новыми формами власти и как ее достижения могут использоваться властными структурами для контроля над жизнью человека и общества. Автор доказывает необходимость моральной оценки деятельности как властных структур, так и отдельного ученого для преодоления кризиса доверия к современной науке и выстраивания деятельностных отношений на благо человечества. Ключевые слова: наука, власть, биовласть, стандарты, нетократия, кризис ответственности, дегуманизация The relationship between science as the most important intellectual resource and power structures is a necessary link in the political development and modernization of society. At the present stage, we can identify such forms of power as biopower, the power of standards and infrastructures, netocracy, etc. The article seeks to answer the question of how science relates to these new forms of power and how its achievements can be used by power structures to control the life of a person and society. The author proves the need for a moral assessment of the activities of both power structures and individual scientist in order to overcome the credibility crisis of modern science and build activity relationships for the benefit of humanity. Keywords: science, government, biopower, standards, netocracy, crisis of responsibility, dehumanization

2007 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 110-130 ◽  
Author(s):  
Suzanne Mettler ◽  
Andrew Milstein

Although scholars of American political development (APD) have helped transform many aspects of the study of U.S. politics over the last quarter-century, they have barely begun to use the powerful analytical tools of this approach to elucidate the relationship between government and citizens. APD research has probed deeply into the processes of state-building and the creation and implementation of specific policies, yet has given little attention to how such development affects the lives of individuals and the ways in which they relate to government. Studies routinely illuminate how policies influence the political roles of elites and organized groups, but barely touch on how the state shapes the experiences and responses of ordinary individuals. As a result, we know little about how governance has influenced citizenship over time or how those changes have, in turn, affected politics.


2019 ◽  
pp. 31-49
Author(s):  
أ.عمر عبد الله مرزوقي ◽  
أ.م.فايزة ميلود صحراوي

In light of what constitutes the cultural factor from a great importance in the context of the incorporation of an active and participant civil society in the process of democracy- building and the achievement of political development, this article tries to look at the concept of the political culture and the civil society with the stand on the nature of existing relationship between them in its theoretical part, then the move to dissection of the civil society crisis in Algeria under the prevalent cultural values for understanding the relationship between the two variables in its empirical part, as a step towards the detection on the pivoting of democratic values in activating the political participation and attainment the democratic consolidation phase.


Author(s):  
Hastangka Hastangka ◽  
Lestanta Budiman

Pembangunan suatu bangsa tidak lepas dari ideologi politik yang diletakkan. Ideologi politik ini dapat berpengaruh dalam mengarahkan dan membentuk paradigma pembangunan nasional. Di Indonesia, politik pembangunan nasional selalu dipengaruhi oleh ideologi dan politik penguasa. Penguasa pada setiap zaman atau periode pemerintahan memiliki dasar ideologis dan politik yang unik dan khas dalam menjalankan pemerintahannya. Studi tentang pembangunan selama ini memang tidak terlalu banyak membahas peran dan pengaruh ideologi dan politik di dalamnya. Studi pembangunan yang berkembang selama ini bergerak pada tiga arus utama yaitu ekonomi, lingkungan, dan tata ruang wilayah atau tata ruang kota. Pembahasan tentang paradigma pembangunan atau pengarusutamaan pembangunan merujuk pada dua posisi yaitu posisi global, dimana peran global mengarahkan paradigma pembangunan yang selama ini berkembang di bebagai negara negara di dunia. Kemajuan negara negara yang memiliki standar hidup dan ekonomi yang tinggi dapat mempengaruhi paradigma dan model pembangunan yang ada di seluruh kawasan atau benua. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mendeskripsikan dan menggali garis ideologi dan politik yang diletakkan oleh pemerintah dalam membangun gagasan pembangunan nasional yang berkeadilan sosial melalui konsepsi Nawacita dan Pancasila. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif. Analisis data yang digunakan dalam penelitian menggunakan interpretasi, analisis kebijakan, dan korelasi. Data yang digunakan berupa buku teks, jurnal, laporan ilmiah, dan peraturan perundang undangan. Hasil penelitian ini diharapkan dapat memperlihatkan relasi antara Nawacita, Pancasila dalam praktek ideologi politik pembangunan. The development of a nation is inseparable from the political ideology laid down. This political ideology can influence in directing and shaping the paradigm of national development. In Indonesia, the politics of national development has always been affected by the authorities' ideology and politics. The police in each era or period of government has a unique and unique ideological and political basis in carrying out their government. The study of development has not discussed too much the role and influence of ideology and politics in it. Development studies that have developed so far are engaged in three main currents: economy, environment, and regional or city spatial planning. The discussion of the development paradigm or the mainstreaming of development refers to two positions, namely the global situation, where the global role directs the development paradigm that has been developing in various countries in the world. Countries with high standards of living and economy can influence the development of paradigms and models that exist in all regions or continents. But a government that has not been fortunate or is still in the process of progressing towards the goals and objectives of the state tries to put its development paradigm on two legs. On the first foot, try to use the prescription of a global development paradigm. On the other hand, it uses the development paradigm, which is owned by the nation itself with the ideological and political lines laid by the authorities. In Indonesia, the idea of the ideology and politics of national development in the context of President Jokowi's administration spread an interesting ideological and political line, Nawacita. Nawacita is an ideal set forth in 9 agendas that are used as a reference and state ideological direction. This nawacita needs to be seen in the framework of national development. This study aims to describe and explore the government's ideological and political lines in building the idea of national development with social justice through the conception of Nawacita and Pancasila. The method used in this study uses a qualitative approach. Analysis of the data used in research uses interpretation, policy analysis, and correlation—the data used in the form of textbooks, journals, scientific reports, and legislation. This study's results are expected to show the relationship between Nawacita, Pancasila in the practice of political development ideology.


Author(s):  
Igor V. Kallin

The article examines the activities of three political institutions (the Council of People’s Commissars, the Politburo, the Secretariat of the Central Committee) of the Soviet state from the point of view of their superiority in the political arena at the time of the initial formation of a new one-party state. As a result of various transformations by the end of the 1920s, the Secretariat of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of the Bolsheviks began to play a special role in the power structures. The relationship between the members and candidates for membership of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the AUCP(b) gradually begins to depend on the position of the General Secretary I.V. Stalin (since 1922). He begins to acquire the functions of a judge in various disputable situations that periodically arose between the opposing ideological associations of the above-mentioned state decision-making body, the nature of outgoing documents that appear in the business correspondence of the Secretariat of the Central Committee of the Bolshevik Party is also transformed, and the factor of the informal system of making key decisions acquires a particular importance. As a result of such transformations, only a part of the approved decisions is recorded in the resolutions of the Political Bureau, while the preliminary work on their implementation is generally not taken into account anywhere. The Secretariat of the Bolshevik Party at the very beginning of its existence was generally conceived as an absolutely technical body, a kind of bureau of typists-secretaries, who would prepare on paper the printed texts of the decisions made by the Politburo of the Central Committee of the AUCP(b). The Secretariat of the Central Committee in no way meant a body for making economic, administrative, industrial, personnel, and no less political decisions. Elevation of this unsophisticated organ above other state and party organs is largely due to I.V. Stalin, who managed to redirect the documentation flow of the Soviet state through his department.


2018 ◽  
pp. 170-172
Author(s):  
Roman O. Reinhardt ◽  

This publication presents a review of the monograph by Sardaryan G.T. “The Holy See and Democracy”. The title of the work attracts attention, first, because of the fundamental nature of its two components, and secondly, because of the non-obvious nature of the relationship between them. The monograph consists of two parts. The first part is historical, while the second part is focused on the present stage of the RCC development. The author of the publication notes that the work is written in an accessible language, is characterized by consistency and clarity of presentation of thoughts. According to the author, the book can be recommended not only to experts in the field of political science and experts in the subject matter under study, but also to a wide range of persons interested in the history and politics of the Vatican.


Author(s):  
Budi Purnomo

This paper examines Australian foreign policy among Indonesian, especially on the West Irian case in 1949-1962. The bilateral relationship between Indonesia-Australia from 1949-1962 always goes through up and down “Roller Coaster.” The relationship between both countries is not structured. No mechanism is arranged, so it depends on the political development and the situations, especially defense and political problems. Indonesia claimed that West Irian is supposed to be a menace for Australian security. Australia put West Irian as a Vital Interest concept. In the cabinet session on January 11, 1962, Australia do “Volte Face” and confess that the vital interest concept is not invalid anymore because there is no menace evidence for Australia or region Australia interest.


2021 ◽  
Vol 63 (10) ◽  
pp. 3-35
Author(s):  
Cristina Pratas Cruzeiro

This article analyzes the relationship between Portuguese artists and bodies of power and the popular masses after the Revolution of 25 April 1974 and until 1977. The analysis of this period in Portugal will consider the dynamics surrounding socially engaged artistic practices integrated in the public space, within its historic and social framework. The article argues that the Portuguese artistic context under consideration arose from the politicians and artists motivation to bring art and the popular masses closer to the ongoing revolutionary process. In this approach, I identify collaboration as the most frequent attitude used by artists in relation to the political system and population. This approach decreased since 1976, at which time there was an increase in conflict with the political power structures. Regarding the relationship with the population, from that moment on there was also a decrease in the use of collaborative tools and an intensification of transgressive and provocative tools in artisticpractices. These changes will be articulated in the article based on the country’s objective political and social conditions, and their influence on attitudinal nuances identified in the socially engaged artistic practices under analysis.


1970 ◽  
pp. 53-57
Author(s):  
Azza Charara Baydoun

Women today are considered to be outside the political and administrative power structures and their participation in the decision-making process is non-existent. As far as their participation in the political life is concerned they are still on the margins. The existence of patriarchal society in Lebanon as well as the absence of governmental policies and procedures that aim at helping women and enhancing their political participation has made it very difficult for women to be accepted as leaders and to be granted votes in elections (UNIFEM, 2002).This above quote is taken from a report that was prepared to assess the progress made regarding the status of Lebanese women both on the social and governmental levels in light of the Beijing Platform for Action – the name given to the provisions of the Fourth Conference on Women held in Beijing in 1995. The above quote describes the slow progress achieved by Lebanese women in view of the ambitious goal that requires that the proportion of women occupying administrative or political positions in Lebanon should reach 30 percent of thetotal by the year 2005!


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