scholarly journals Kemitraan Pemerintah, Dunia Usaha, dan Masyarakat dalam Sektor Transportasi Publik

2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 227
Author(s):  
Febri Yuliani

Human mobility has been started since time immemorial, the activities carried out by a variety of purposes, among others, to find food, looking for a better place to live, flee from the invasion of other people and so on. In the mobility often brings the goods or not carrying goods. Therefore diperluhkan tool as a means of transportation. This article describes how to build a partnership between government, business and society in the public transport sector. The method used is: a method literature. Aspects of efficiency resulting from the development of transport in order to increase total factor productivity, a major factor to determine the extent of the relationship between transport and the economy. This is the basis for determining whether an increase in the supply of transport can provide something that is meaningful to increased competition or increased economic growth, social and environmental sustainability. Problems funding needs huge investments for the development of the transport sector can be overcome if the funds were handed over to private sector development as an owner of capital, while the government as a component of regulators should be bold and assertive in policy-making that comes from the community.

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Gagah Yaumiyya Riyoprakoso ◽  
AM Hasan Ali ◽  
Fitriyani Zein

This study is based on the legal responsibility of the assessment of public appraisal reports they make in land procurement activities for development in the public interest. Public assessment is obliged to always be accountable for their assessment. The type of research found in this thesis is a type of normative legal research with the right-hand of the statue approach and case approach. Normative legal research is a study that provides systematic explanation of rules governing a certain legal category, analyzing the relationship between regulations explaining areas of difficulty and possibly predicting future development. . After conducting research, researchers found that one of the causes that made the dispute was a lack of communication conducted between the Government and the landlord. In deliberation which should be the place where the parties find the meeting point between the parties on the magnitude of the damages that will be given, in the field is often used only for the delivery of the assessment of the compensation that has been done.


1985 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 165-186 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Hudson

The past decade has seen the growth of a considerable literature on the link between government popularity, as reflected by the proportion of the public indicating their intention to vote for the government in opinion polls, and the state of the economy, as represented by certain key variables. The work began in the early 1970s with articles by Goodhart and Bhansali, Mueller, and Kramer. It continued through the decade; some of the more recent contributions can be found in a set of readings edited by Hibbs and Fassbender. However, despite the amount and quality of this work, problems remain. Principal amongst these, as Chrystal and Alt have pointed out, is the inability to estimate a relationship which exhibits any degree of stability either over time or between researchers. Nearly all the studies have been successful in finding a significant relationship for specific time periods, but when these are extended, or when the function is used to forecast outside the original estimation period, the relationship appears to break down.


2020 ◽  
pp. 002085232094366
Author(s):  
Won No ◽  
Lily Hsueh

This study examines the relationship between inclusiveness with respect to the structural design of the participatory process and resource allocation outcomes in participatory budgeting. Empirically, this article examines the case of participatory budgeting in Seoul, South Korea, where redistribution is not an explicit goal. Findings suggest that creating organizational structures that enable and encourage public participation has led Seoul’s participatory budgeting to distribute public funds toward poor neighborhoods. Points for practitioners Participatory budgeting is an exemplar practice of public participation in the government decision-making process. It is a local budgeting practice that allows the public to participate, discuss, deliberate, and decide where and how to spend public money. This study highlights the importance of designing inclusive organizational structures in participatory budgeting to encourage public participation. Empirical results underscore the link between inclusive organizational structures and more equitable allocation outcomes.


2007 ◽  
pp. 100-113
Author(s):  
Liz Lee-Kelley ◽  
Ailsa Kolsaker

The central government in the UK is determined to employ new surveillance technology to combat the threat of terrorist activities. This chapter contributes to the important debate on the relationship between citizens and the government, by discussing not whether electronic surveillance should be used, but rather, when it is acceptable to the populace. From our analysis, we conclude that a reconciliation of state-interest and self-interest is critical for the success of e-governance; as such, electronic surveillance’s mission has to be about serving the law-abiding majority and their needs, and its scope and benefits must be clearly understood by the visionaries, implementers and the citizenry.


2017 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 551-572 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pavithra Siriwardhane ◽  
Dennis Taylor

Purpose The purpose of this study is to investigate the relationship between the degree of stakeholder salience and the degree of emphasis placed on accountability dimensions for infrastructure assets (IFAs) as perceived by mayors and chief executive officers (CEOs) of local government authorities (LGAs). Comparisons are drawn between the salience accorded to two broad stakeholder groups at the public level and at the government level. Design/methodology/approach Perceptions of mayors and CEOs are examined through a mail questionnaire survey administered among LGAs in Australia. Findings Overall accountability for IFAs by the LGAs is influenced by the salience accorded to the demands and needs of public stakeholders (PSs) but not the salience accorded to government stakeholders (GS). It is evident that public and managerial accountabilities are impacted by PS salience, whereas political accountability is impacted by the salience of GS. Thus, it emphasises that the establishment and implementation of policies, processes and systems that render transparency and responsiveness to the public, as well as service quality and the disclosure of performance measures, are positively affected by the salience accorded to PS groups. Research limitations/implications The results of the study may be affected by the inherent weaknesses associated with mail surveys. Practical implications Accountability of LGAs for IFAs to GS needs enhancement, specifically stronger policy incentives. Originality/value This paper contributes to the literature, providing evidence on how mayors and CEOs of LGAs perceive the salience of different stakeholders of IFAs and its impact on the perceived accountability.


1999 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 195-210 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amanda Rose

Among the arguments for rapid economic reform in transitions to the market in Central and Eastern Europe, scholars have argued that rapid reformers could better take advantage of the period of ‘extraordinary politics’ at the beginning of the transition. Regime transitions provide a unique opportunity for politicians to implement economic reform since the public is more likely to grant the government room to reform. If the public is more likely to give politicians this window of opportunity, politicians should implement far-reaching reforms during that period. I test two propositions in this paper: (1) politicians in office during a period of liberalization will get high positive ratings at the polls which will gradually deplete over time; and (2) at the beginning of the transition, views of the current economic situation will not predict views of politics. I find that approval of the Polish government was unusually high in the first one and one-half to two years of the Polish transition. In the same period, assessments of the current economic situation only weakly affected assessments of politics. After the period of extraordinary politics comes to an end, the relationship between political and economic assessments is much stronger. Thus, in a country with a harsh economic reform program and six contentious national elections within eight years, there is strong evidence that politicians benefited from a period of extraordinary politics at the beginning of the regime.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 419-448
Author(s):  
Cláudio Júnior Damin

O artigo aborda a relação existente entre guerra e opinião pública nos Estados Unidos. O artigo foca na análise do caso da Guerra do Iraque iniciada em março de 2003 durante os mandatos de George W. Bush. Esse conflito insere-se no contexto dos ataques terroristas de 11 de setembro de 2001, sendo parte constitutiva da chamada “guerra global contra o terrorismo”. A primeira hipótese de trabalho é a de que inicialmente e reproduzindo padrões históricos anteriores, a guerra foi amplamente aprovada pela população norte-americana, processo que se prolongou por alguns meses e influenciou decisivamente para a reeleição do presidente republicano em 2004. Como segunda hipótese assevera-se que, passado algum tempo, o humor da opinião pública sofreu uma inflexão, diminuindo a aprovação popular à guerra e tendo como importante desdobramento a derrota dos republicanos na eleição de 2008, com o conflito ainda em curso. Espera-se mostrar, portanto, como a Guerra do Iraque pode ser dividida em duas fases distintas, sendo a primeira de bônus para o governo de George W. Bush e seus correligionários republicanos e a outra de ônus a partir do crescimento do número de baixas militares norte-americanas e da crise de credibilidade do governo no que concerne às perspectivas de vitória definitiva no conflito.Abstract: The article discusses the relationship between war and public opinion in the United States. The article focuses on the analysis of the case of the Iraq War that began in March 2003 during the administration of George W. Bush. This conflict is within the context of the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, being a constituent part of the "Global War on Terrorism." The first hypothesis is that initially and reproducing previous historical standards, the war was widely approved by the American population, a process that was prolonged for a few months and influenced decisively to the re-election of Republican president in 2004. As a second hypothesis asserts that, after some time, the mood of public opinion has undergone a shift, reducing the public approval of the war and with the important effect the defeat of the Republicans in the 2008 election. It is expected, therefore, to show how the Iraq War can be divided into two distinct phases, with the first bonus for the George W. Bush and his fellow Republicans and other liens being from the growing number of U.S. military casualties and the crisis of credibility of the government with regard to the prospects of ultimate victory in the conflict.


2018 ◽  
Vol 69 (1) ◽  
pp. 193-210
Author(s):  
Rafał Lis

The following article considers the problems connected with the relationship between the principles of the direct democracy and the gouvernement d’assemblée. The values contemporarily ascribed to these principles are often counted among different, sometimes even opposing, traditions of republican constitutionalism. However, the proposed analysis of Rousseau’s thought suggests that the general intellectual tendencies that are attributedto both systems might originally have had a lot in common. Furthermore, they embody the two different republican ways of implementing the very ideas of popular sovereignty and the accountability of the public authorities to the citizens. The undertaken juxtaposition of the contents of the Social Contract and of the Considerations on the Government of Poland may even point to an evolution of Rousseau’s stance. It can be discerned especiallyin the approval in the second work, which pertained to one of the largest European states of that time, as it conveys the need to shift the responsibility for law-making to the assembly of deputies (the Sejm). The proposition of transferring this responsibility to a quasi-representative body corresponds perfectly with the warnings against the abuses of an unchecked executive, which are equally stringent in the Social Contract. This actuallydenoted that Rousseau was ready to accept some sort of gouvernement d’assemblée in large states. In the end however, it did not mark a departure from the ideals of the direct government, especially after taking into consideration Rousseau’s extraordinary appreciation of the institutions of deputy directives and – treated already as an emergency measure – confederation.


Author(s):  
Damien Rogers ◽  
Shaun Mawdsley

The secrecy surrounding intelligence work has meant the relationship between New Zealand intelligence professionals and the public they serve has always been somewhat problematic. Over the past decade, leaks, scandals and a deadly act of terrorism have certainly not improved the public’s trust and confidence in the New Zealand Security Intelligence Service and the Government Communications Security Bureau. While the Government has undertaken several measures to strengthen the credibility of those agencies, including initiating public inquiries and bolstering governance arrangements, its current approach is rather limited, has reached those limits and could now be counterproductive. In light of the recommendations made by the Royal Commission of Inquiry into the Terrorist Attack on Christchurch Mosques on 15 March 2019 to increase public involvement in New Zealand’s counterterrorism effort, we argue that it is time for this problematic relationship between intelligence professionals and the public to be rethought and reconfigured. To that end, we identify several concrete actions that parliamentarians and university leaders could consider taking to actively support intelligence professionals as they foster a society of informed citizens and create new opportunities to bring national security matters into the heart of democracy’s deliberative processes.


2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 181-190
Author(s):  
Eny Suprihatin ◽  
Ruthias Yusuarsi

Learning from home is a policy taken by the government to prevent the spread of COVID-19 and protect the public. This study uses a qualitative phenomenological method. To reveal the phenomena in connection with the implementation of learning from home to changes in the emotional attachment of mothers and children during the learning period from home during the COVID-19 pandemic. The respondents were six mothers and their children. The study results show that there is indeed an estrangement between mother and child in terms of emotional attachment, namely two mothers with each child. However, the mother is a strong effort as the primary attachment figure to repair the relationship and warmth so that the estrangement for two children can be attached.


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