The application of future studies in the military and intelligence fields: تطبيق دراسات المستقبل في المجالات العسكرية والاستخباراتية

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (19) ◽  
pp. 100-81
Author(s):  
Ali Mohammed Saeed Abdelmageed Ali Mohammed Saeed Abdelmageed
Keyword(s):  
Future Study ◽  
Military Force ◽  
Future Studies ◽  
Intelligence Agencies ◽  
The Military

This study aims to highlight the reality of applying of a future study in the military and intelligence fields, where the intelligence agencies focuses on the administration of geopolitical conflicts and predict its actions and consequences, also targeting to develop means of utilizing the military force and prepare for future wars, it gives indications for staff and scholars in the intelligence domain on the significance of using the methodological and scientific means in the administration of intelligence work through the development of information centers by linking of it with future studies centers to access to timely notification and the sound decision.

IMPROVING MECHANISMS OF COOPERATION BETWEEN THE STATE BORDER SERVICE OF UKRAINE, PUBLIC ORGANISATIONS AND POPULATION

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (11) ◽  
pp. 91-101
Author(s):  
Iakiv Serhiiovych Halaniuk
Keyword(s):  
Political Stability ◽  
Subject Area ◽  
The State ◽  
Military Force ◽  
Border Area ◽  
Public Control ◽  
The Public ◽  
Mechanism Model ◽  
Public Organisations ◽  
The Military

The article highlights the author’s approach to improving coopera- tion mechanisms of the State Border Service of Ukraine with public organiza- tions and population. There has been analyzed public control as a means their cooperation and priorities of improving the cooperation, particularly, forms and methods of organizing citizens’ feedback, introduction of the assessment pro- cedure of the efficiency of the SBSU and population and public organization. There have been stated conceptual pillars of the public control development in the SBSU, developed by the author, including public control forms and resource provision. There has been considered a mechanism algorithm of the public par- ticipation in the development of the border administration through submitting petitions or proposals concerning a legally enforceable enactment draft (or the legally enforceable enactment currently in force). There has been represented a mechanism model of discussing legally enforceable enactments and public peti- tions, developed by the author. It is noted that one of the mechanisms of interac- tion of the SBSU with the public is effective public control, which becomes an in- tegral part of ensuring national security and political stability. The conditions of permanence of Ukraine's threats in the border area, and in certain areas and their exacerbation, along with further reforms of the institutes of Ukrainian statehood, cause the problem of establishing and implementing public control in the border area as an important and urgent one.It is proved that public control is intended to determine the correctness of the military-force policy in the border area, the validity of the scale and optimality of the forms of activity of the border guards. In accordance with all this, in the subject area of public control should be: political decisions on issues of border security, including international agreements; the expediency and validity of government programs for the provision and reform of the border authorities of Ukraine, assess- ment of the effectiveness of these programs and the procedure for making changes to them.

scholarly journals War and peace in liberated North Korea: Soviet military administration and the creation of North Korean police force in 1945

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-17
Author(s):  
Vasilii Lebedev
Keyword(s):  
North Korea ◽  
Political Orientation ◽  
Military Force ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
Korean Society ◽  
Clear Cut ◽  
The North ◽  
Military Administration ◽  
Archival Documents ◽  
The Military

Abstract The North Korean police were arguably one of the most important organisations in liberated North Korea. It was instrumental in stabilising the North Korean society and eventually became one of the backbones for both the new North Korean regime and its military force. Scholars of different political orientation have attempted to reconstruct its early history leading to a set of views ranging from the “traditionalist” sovietisation concept to the more contemporary “revisionist” reconstruction that portrayed it as the cooperation of North Korean elites with the Soviet authorities in their bid for the control over the politics and the military, in which the Soviets merely played the supporting role. Drawing from the Soviet archival documents, this paper presents a third perspective, arguing that initially, the Soviet military administration in North Korea did not pursue any clear-cut political goals. On the contrary, the Soviet administration initially viewed North Koreans with distrust, making Soviets constantly conduct direct interventions to prevent North Korean radicals from using the police in their political struggle.

Explaining the Long-Term Maintenance of a Military Regime: Panama before the U.S. Invasion

1992 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 210-234 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steve C. Ropp
Keyword(s):  
Domestic Politics ◽  
Authoritarian Regime ◽  
Military Force ◽  
International Banking ◽  
Military Regimes ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Military ◽  
Term Maintenance ◽  
The U.S

Before the U.S. invasion of December 1989, Panama experienced one of the longest periods of military rule in the modern-day history of Latin America. While numerous authoritarian military regimes emerged in the region during the 1960s and established for themselves a relatively high degree of autonomy from both domestic and international actors, only those in Panama, Paraguay, and Chile survived until the late 1980s. And of these three surviving military regimes, only Panama's was ended through the application of external military force. For the past several years, there has been considerable discussion of the factors that seem best to account for General Manuel Antonio Noriega's personal ability to resist U.S. pressure from 1987 until 1989 and to largely insulate himself from the political and economic constraints of Panamanian domestic politics. However, much less attention has been devoted to discussion of the factors that explain the long-term maintenance of the military authoritarian regime in existence for fifteen years prior to his assumption of power. This analysis suggests that the long-term maintenance of Panama's military authoritarian regime was due in large part to its ability to acquire substantial amounts of foreign capital. During the 1970s, such capital was preferentially obtained from the international banking community. During the 1980s, it was obtained through illicit activities of various kinds, including participation in the growing international drug trade.

Secretariat

1964 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 130-131 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Security Council ◽  
Annual Report ◽  
Sudden Change ◽  
Secretary General ◽  
Military Force ◽  
Law And Order ◽  
Member States ◽  
Territorial Integrity ◽  
The Military

Secretary-General U Thant in his Introduction to the Annual Report of the Secretary-General on the Work of the Organization, 16 June 1962—15 June 1963 commented that the year under review had been marked by a number of developments which on the whole may be said to have brightened the international outlook and strengthened the UN as a result. According to the Secretary-General, the Cuban crisis provided the UN with the opportunity to help avert what appeared to be impending disaster. Proposals which he had been encouraged to make by a large number of Member States not directly involved in the crisis had the immediate effect of tending to ease the situation. In addition, the UN provided an opportunity, both through the Security Council and the Secretariat, for dialogues among the interested parties. The turn of the year also marked a sudden change for the better in the Congo. As a result the terms of the UN mandate in the Congo as far as the military force was concerned had now largely been fulfilled. External military interference in the Congo had ceased, the territorial integrity of the country had been secured, and law and order had generally been restored and were being maintained, although the situation in one or two areas still was giving some cause for concern.

Organizing Warfare and Diplomacy in Western India, 1778–83

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-38
Author(s):  
Manu Sehgal
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Political Authority ◽  
Vantage Point ◽  
The Political ◽  
Western India ◽  
Military Force ◽  
Civilian Control ◽  
Critical Component ◽  
Early Colonial ◽  
The Military

This chapter examines the origins of a distinctive system of organizing military conquest in the final quarter of the eighteenth century. It seeks to de-centre the study of politics and military contestation by looking at the war against the Marathas (1778–82) from the vantage point of the region most directly affected by it—the western peninsular territory of the Bombay presidency. The advantage in shifting the focus away from the politically dominant Bengal presidency allows identification of a critical component in the political economy of conquest—the transfer of political authority from a civilian council to the commander of a military force. This shift in political power was essential to the success of the EIC regime of conquest even as it became a perennial source of conflict within the governing structures of the Company state. The debate and dissension that accompanied the deployment of military force both enabled the success of the machine of war and characterized the creation of a distinctive early colonial ideology of rule that subverted civilian control of the military.

scholarly journals Potential Pathways and Genes Involved in Lac Synthesis and Secretion in Kerria chinensis (Hemiptera: Kerriidae) Based on Transcriptomic Analyses

Insects ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (12) ◽  
pp. 430
Author(s):  
Weiwei Wang ◽  
Pengfei Liu ◽  
Qin Lu ◽  
Xiaofei Ling ◽  
Jinwen Zhang ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Fatty Acids ◽  
Molecular Mechanisms ◽  
Developmental Stages ◽  
Expression Profiles ◽  
Future Studies ◽  
Natural Resin ◽  
Beneficial Insect ◽  
Excellent Adhesion ◽  
The Military ◽  
Secretion Rates

Lac is a type of natural resin secreted by lac insects and is widely used in the military and other industries because of its excellent adhesion and insulation properties. The main ingredients of lac are lactones and lactides, which are formed from hydroxy fatty acids and sesquiterpene esters. In this study, we measured lac secretion rates by the insect Kerria chinensis at different developmental stages and identified lac secretion-minimum and lac secretion-active stages of the insect. We then analyzed transcriptomes of lac secretion-minimum and lac secretion-active stages of the insect. Based on expression profiles of genes in different stages of the insect, we identified pathways and genes that are potentially involved in lac synthesis and secretion in K. chinensis. Our study lays a foundation for future studies to reveal the molecular mechanisms and pathways of lac synthesis and secretion in this beneficial insect.

Speak Softly and Carry a Big Stick? Veterans in the Political Elite and the American Use of Force

2002 ◽  
Vol 96 (4) ◽  
pp. 779-793 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher Gelpi ◽  
Peter D. Feaver
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
American Foreign Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Executive Branch ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Military Force ◽  
Militarized Disputes ◽  
Military Relations ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Impact

Other research has shown (1) that civilians and the military differ in their views about when and how to use military force; (2) that the opinions of veterans track more closely with military officers than with civilians who never served in the military; and (3) that U.S. civil–military relations shaped Cold War policy debates. We assess whether this opinion gap “matters” for the actual conduct of American foreign policy. We examine the impact of the presence of veterans in the U.S. political elite on the propensity to initiate and escalate militarized interstate disputes between 1816 and 1992. As the percentage of veterans serving in the executive branch and the legislature increases, the probability that the United States will initiate militarized disputes declines. Once a dispute has been initiated, however, the higher the proportion of veterans, the greater the level of force the United States will use in the dispute.

Tradition and Variation in Brazilian Foreign Policy

1967 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 195-212 ◽  
Author(s):  
E. Bradford Burns
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Executive Power ◽  
Military Force ◽  
World Peace ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Foreign Service ◽  
Policy Goals ◽  
Social And Economic Development ◽  
National Power ◽  
The Military

Mounting Anxieties, frustrations, and fears in Brazil effected a change of government by military force at the end of March of 1964. President Joáo Goulart fled to an Uruguayan exile. Congress, urged by the military, conferred supreme executive power on Marshal Humberto Castelo Branco. Many other sweeping changes followed. None was more complete than the about-face taken in foreign policy.Castelo Branco spoke out early and unequivocally in his regime in favor of a return to more traditional policies. The graduation exercise of the foreign service school, the Instituto Rio-Branco, on July 31, 1964, provided the propitious place and moment for him to outline the foreign policy goals of his government. He paid homage to the ideals consecrated by tradition: world peace, disarmament, selfdetermination, non-intervention, and anti-colonialism. Moving into the more pragmatic realm of national interests, the president emphasized that his government's foreign policy aimed to increase national power through social and economic development.

Strongmen and Straw Men: Authoritarian Regimes and the Initiation of International Conflict

2012 ◽  
Vol 106 (2) ◽  
pp. 326-347 ◽  
Author(s):  
JESSICA L. WEEKS
Keyword(s):  
Personal Characteristics ◽  
Authoritarian Regimes ◽  
Conflict Behavior ◽  
Military Force ◽  
Military Officers ◽  
Policy Makers ◽  
Civilian Regimes ◽  
Military Conflicts ◽  
Conflict Initiation ◽  
The Military

How do domestic institutions affect autocratic leaders’ decisions to initiate military conflicts? Contrary to the conventional wisdom, I argue that institutions in some kinds of dictatorships allow regime insiders to hold leaders accountable for their foreign policy decisions. However, the preferences and perceptions of these autocratic domestic audiences vary, with domestic audiences in civilian regimes being more skeptical of using military force than the military officers who form the core constituency in military juntas. In personalist regimes in which there is no effective domestic audience, no predictable mechanism exists for restraining or removing overly belligerent leaders, and leaders tend to be selected for personal characteristics that make them more likely to use military force. I combine these arguments to generate a series of hypotheses about the conflict behavior of autocracies and test the hypotheses using new measures of authoritarian regime type. The findings indicate that, despite the conventional focus on differences between democracies and nondemocracies, substantial variation in conflict initiation occurs among authoritarian regimes. Moreover, civilian regimes with powerful elite audiences are no more belligerent overall than democracies. The result is a deeper understanding of the conflict behavior of autocracies, with important implications for scholars as well as policy makers.

Setbacks to Political Institutionalisation by Praetorianism in Africa

1988 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 403-435 ◽  
Author(s):  
Opoku Agyeman
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Military Force ◽  
Ruling Class ◽  
Managerial Leadership ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
The Core ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military ◽  
Constitutional Changes

Praetorianism has been authoritatively defined as a situation in which ‘the military class of a given society exercises independent political power within it by virtue of an actual or threatened use of military force’.1 A praetorian state, by elaboration, is one in which the military tends to intervene and potentially could dominate the political system. The political processes of this state favor the development of the military as the core group and the growth of its expectations as a ruling class; its political leadership (as distinguished from bureaucratic, administrative and managerial leadership) is chiefly recruited from the military, or from groups sympathetic, or at least not antagonistic, to the military. Constitutional changes are effected and sustained by the militaty, and the army frequently intervenes in the government.2

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