scholarly journals Revitalization of Ancient Institutions: The 1394 Governance Code for the Joseon Dynasty of Korea by Jeong Do-jeon

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Kyongran Chong

<p>The Code of Governance for the Joseon Dynasty written by Jeong Do-jeon in 1394 was the first legal document written in justification of a new Korean dynasty. The eminent Korean historian Han Young-woo has credited the political scheme formulated in the Code for promoting democratic ideas of power separation. This study argues that the Code cannot be considered as an attempt to introduce a new power structure in this way, as it was primarily concerned with revitalizing idealized Confucian institutions mobilized by the ideological force of weixin 維新 (revitalization) of guzhi 古制 (ancient institutions) and with creating a society modelled on Confucian values and hierarchical order laid out in the Chinese work, the Zhouli (Rites of Zhou). In his Code, Jeong used this system of government structure as the principle of ancient state institutions, to justify the position of the new Joseon throne, and he also adopted the legal format of the 1331 Yuan law book, Jingshi dadian, in which royal authority took precedence over that of the government. This study emphasizes not only Jeong Do-jeon’s conservative adherence to the continuity of state institutions from the previous Goryeo dynasty (a replica of the Chinese Tang and Song systems), but also the priority he gave to the new Joseon monarch as a stabilizing force within the new dynasty, and argues that the Code was written to ensure continuity and priority, and cannot be considered as an attempt to introduce a new power structure.</p>

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Kyongran Chong

<p>The Code of Governance for the Joseon Dynasty written by Jeong Do-jeon in 1394 was the first legal document written in justification of a new Korean dynasty. The eminent Korean historian Han Young-woo has credited the political scheme formulated in the Code for promoting democratic ideas of power separation. This study argues that the Code cannot be considered as an attempt to introduce a new power structure in this way, as it was primarily concerned with revitalizing idealized Confucian institutions mobilized by the ideological force of weixin 維新 (revitalization) of guzhi 古制 (ancient institutions) and with creating a society modelled on Confucian values and hierarchical order laid out in the Chinese work, the Zhouli (Rites of Zhou). In his Code, Jeong used this system of government structure as the principle of ancient state institutions, to justify the position of the new Joseon throne, and he also adopted the legal format of the 1331 Yuan law book, Jingshi dadian, in which royal authority took precedence over that of the government. This study emphasizes not only Jeong Do-jeon’s conservative adherence to the continuity of state institutions from the previous Goryeo dynasty (a replica of the Chinese Tang and Song systems), but also the priority he gave to the new Joseon monarch as a stabilizing force within the new dynasty, and argues that the Code was written to ensure continuity and priority, and cannot be considered as an attempt to introduce a new power structure.</p>


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 85-91
Author(s):  
M.Yu. Martynova ◽  
◽  
D.M. Feoktistova ◽  
◽  

the author analyzes the problems of the activity and development of the political elite. The current political situation in Russia puts forward new requirements for the functioning of the management system of state institutions and determines the need for professionally trained, highly moral personnel of the modern political elite. The paper considers the possibility of introducing modern and progressive mechanisms of interaction between the government and society – crowdsourcing, which involves the wide involvement of citizens with an active civic position and public associations in the process of public discussion and political decision-making.


Res Publica ◽  
1978 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 279-298
Author(s):  
Staf Lauwerysen

The abolition of the political institutions of the Belgian provinces, as provided in the government declaration of 7 June 1977, puts a question into the usefulness of the provincial institutions.This contribution intends to throw more light on the policy at the provincial level - now and in the near past - by means of a brief functional and financial analysis. Beforehand, it has to be mentioned that juridical and institutional limitations do exercise a restraining influence on the functioning of the provinces.A task-analysis shows that they are mainly concerned with «traditional» tasks ( e.g. education, traffic), but they recently take into consideration «modern» tasks in the domain of social welfare (e.g. culture, community-organization) .However, the means of the Belgian provinces are very limited ; as a result, the current expenditures of the provinces do not exceed 3 % of all public current expenditures. It shows the relative small importance of the provinces in the total government structure.


2021 ◽  
pp. 275-312
Author(s):  
Christophe Jaffrelot ◽  
Pratinav Anil

This chapter focuses on the internal factors that led to the declaration of the Emergency. It primarily explores Mrs Gandhi’s authoritarian personality and the deinstitutionalisation of the Congress Party. The power structure within the Congress, especially after Mrs Gandhi split the party in 1969, meant that checks and balances ceased to exist. This factionalism enabled her to impose her authoritarian tendencies on the government as safeguards were dismantled. The chapter further explores the relation between authoritarianism and populism. It uses the political situation in India from the late 1960s to the early 1970s as an illustration. Mrs Gandhi, like other populist leaders, was convinced that she was the people of India. This idea was epitomised by D. K. Barooah’s slogan: ‘Indira is India and India is Indira.’


1995 ◽  
Vol 10 (0) ◽  
pp. 201-231
Author(s):  
Kyo-Sun Hwang

The form of the Korean government has been a presidential responsibility system with certain aspects of the parliamentary cabinet system in terms of power structure. The position of the Prime Minister came as a result of a compromise between the presidential responsibility system and the parliamentary cabinet system. Despite the existence of the prime Ministership, more emphasis has been placed on the presidential responsibility system than the parliamentary cabinet system. The emphasis has been placed on the presidential responsibility system on the ground that it would contribute toward the political stability of the country. To look back at the past of the evolution of the Korean Constitution, it is easily found that a fundamental mistake was committed when the Constitution and the Administration Organization Law were made.


PERADA ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-44
Author(s):  
SYAHRUL RAHMAT

Kondisi geografis Semenanjung Melayu sebagai lalu lintas perdagangan kawasan Asia bagian Tenggara membuat daerah ini menjadi tujuan pelayaran dari berbagai etnis di Nusantara maupun dari belahan dunia lain, termasuk Orang Bugis yang berasal dari daratan Sulawesi bagian selatan. Dalam perkembangannya, selain untuk mencari penghidupan, lambat laun mereka mulai masuk ke dalam struktur pemerintahan Kerajaan Johor-Riau-Lingga-pahang. Kehadiran orang Bugis dalam struktur pemerintahan tersebut mengalami dinamika tersendiri terhadap kerajaan yang kelak berubah nama menjadi Kerajaan Riau Lingga. Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian sejarah dengan fokus pada dinamika politik dan eksistensi orang Bugis dalam Kerajaan Melayu pada rentang abad ke-17 hingga 18. Selain merubah struktuur pemerintahan, posisi sebagai Yang Dipertuan Muda yang dijabat keturunan juga membawa perubahan terhadap perkembangan kerajaan tersebut. Sekalipun demikian, Yang Dipertuan Muda juga harus menghadapi konflik internal dalam kerajaan akibat dominasi mereka dalam usrusan pemerintahan. The geographical conditions of the Malay Peninsula as the trade traffic in the Southeast Asian region make this area a destination for shipping from various ethnic groups in the archipelago as well as from other parts of the world, including the Bugis people from the southern Sulawesi mainland. In its development, in addition to make a living, they gradually begin to join the government structure of the Johor-Riau-Lingga-Pahang Kingdom.  Bugis existence in the government structure experiences its own dynamics towards the kingdom which later changes its name to the Kingdom of Riau Lingga. This research is a historical study with a focus on the political dynamics and the existence of Bugis in the Malay Kingdom in the 17th to 18th century. Besides changing the structure of government, the position as the Crown Prince, which was held by descendants also gives changes to the development of the kingdom. Even so, the Crown Prince must face internal conflicts in the kingdom due to their dominance in the government administration.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 501-521
Author(s):  
Charles Esambe Alobwede

Language politics and the issue of official bilingualism have been factors in Cameroonian politics since the country obtained independence from its respective colonial masters. These phenomena have impacted not only on the operation of state institutions, but also on the cultural and linguistic make-up of the society. This has given birth to cultural and linguistic and perspectives in development. French and English, the two official languages of the country and a legacy of colonialism have created linguistic and sometimes political, social and cultural barriers. Bilingualism, a policy adopted by the government of Cameroon to achieve national unity and integration has often been criticized because of some of its shortcomings. However, this article seeks to prove that despite such shortcomings, cultural and bilingualism have positively impacted the political, historical, economic, social and cultural factors of development in Cameroon.


Author(s):  
Refika Refika ◽  
Lias Hasibuan ◽  
Kasful Anwar Us

This article aims to get an overview of how basic concepts of economics ofeducation at the level of the supra-structure and infra-political structure inIndonesia. In that state of supra structure that includes the legislative, executive,judicial, and other state institutions, the government of Indonesia has made apolicy in writing that stated in the mandate of the constitution the Constitutionof 1945 of the State's obligation in financing education in Indonesia. Educationfunding is contained in Article 31 paragraph (4) of the 1945 Constitution thatthe State prioritize the education budget by 20% from APBN/APBD. If seen in astate of infra-structure that covers the center of the political power of thepeople, contained in elements of social organization, political figures,community leaders, the tools of political communication, and especially apolitical organization or political party is able to affect the workings of theapparatus of the public to express, distribute, translate, convert demands,support and the specific problems associated with the public interest, especiallyin this case the education sector, the government has given freedom inexpressing their opinions. It is proved that the Indonesian State has beenattempted in the give attention to education for its citizens. Because with aquality education will be able to improve economic growth and development ina Country. However, the education budget by 20% is considered not able tomaximize the improvement of the quality of education in Indonesia, so the needfor a new policy in increasing the percentage of the budget for education.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 837-844 ◽  
Author(s):  
Haedar Nashir ◽  
Mutohharun Jinan ◽  
Bambang Setiaji

Purpose: This paper discusses the political behavior of the Muhammadiyah elite in building a political culture in Indonesia. Methodology: This paper provides a literature study in which the data obtained from various sources of literature, the findings of previous researches, and the official decisions of the organization. The political-sociological approach was used in this study, to discuss the meeting point of Muhammadiyah in non-political parties since the post-independence to the reform era. Result: The Muhammadiyah elite has a central role and contribution in building Indonesian political culture, both at the regional and national levels. The elite of this movement occupies a strategic position in the government and state institutions. The movement affects the political dynamics and contributes a lot in determining the direction of political policy in Indonesia. Applications: This research can be used for the universities, teachers and education students. Novelty/Originality: Essentially, the Muhammadiyah elite is accommodative by being proportional, neutral in instigating collaboration, and relatively adaptable to political developments, yet being critical towards power.


2006 ◽  
pp. 54-75
Author(s):  
Klaus Peter Friedrich

Facing the decisive struggle between Nazism and Soviet communism for dominance in Europe, in 1942/43 Polish communists sojourning in the USSR espoused anti-German concepts of the political right. Their aim was an ethnic Polish ‘national communism’. Meanwhile, the Polish Workers’ Party in the occupied country advocated a maximum intensification of civilian resistance and partisan struggle. In this context, commentaries on the Nazi judeocide were an important element in their endeavors to influence the prevailing mood in the country: The underground communist press often pointed to the fate of the murdered Jews as a warning in order to make it clear to the Polish population where a deficient lack of resistance could lead. However, an agreed, unconditional Polish and Jewish armed resistance did not come about. At the same time, the communist press constantly expanded its demagogic confrontation with Polish “reactionaries” and accused them of shared responsibility for the Nazi murder of the Jews, while the Polish government (in London) was attacked for its failure. This antagonism was intensified in the fierce dispute between the Polish and Soviet governments after the rift which followed revelations about the Katyn massacre. Now the communist propaganda image of the enemy came to the fore in respect to the government and its representatives in occupied Poland. It viewed the government-in-exile as being allied with the “reactionaries,” indifferent to the murder of the Jews, and thus acting ultimately on behalf of Nazi German policy. The communists denounced the real and supposed antisemitism of their adversaries more and more bluntly. In view of their political isolation, they coupled them together, in an undifferentiated manner, extending from the right-wing radical ONR to the social democrats and the other parties represented in the underground parliament loyal to the London based Polish government. Thereby communist propaganda tried to discredit their opponents and to justify the need for a new start in a post-war Poland whose fate should be shaped by the revolutionary left. They were thus paving the way for the ultimate communist takeover


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