scholarly journals Lex actualization on describing of military acts, processes and states

2018 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 218-235
Author(s):  
Maryna Navalna ◽  
Yuliia Kaluzhynska
Keyword(s):  
Science And Technology ◽  
The State ◽  
Negative Evaluation ◽  
National Language ◽  
Language Environment ◽  
The One ◽  
The Military ◽  
International Status ◽  
State Language

The article describes the most commonly used lexemes from the texts of contemporary Ukrainian periodicals, reveals new lexicalunits, expands thes copeof the operation oflexemasonmilitarytopicsinthemediamaterialsofsocio-political, military an do the rissues; thefunctional-stylistic role of military vocabulary in the language of the pressis determine dandemphasizedon a negative evaluation injournalistic materials. In the article for the study of military vocabulary in the language of Ukrainian periodicalsat the beginningof the XXI century observation and descriptivemethods are used. At different stagesof the study, the methodoffunctionalanalysis was used to determine the stylisticloadoflexicalunits. Itisconcludedthatdueto a numberofextra-linguistic factors of socio-politicalorientation, the modern Ukrainian language was enriched with new tokens of militaryactions, processesandstates, whichis reflectedin the pages ofthen ational pressof the seconddecade of the XXI century. Inparticular: thelevelofdevelopment of science and technology in the language environment, socio-politicalcondition sin the linguistic society, thestate language (terminology) policyinsociety, the functional statusof the state language, the international status of the national language. The military vocabulary is singled out into two groups: 1) the one that names persons; 2) the one that characterizes processes, actions and states. According to our observations, the most significant manifestations are lexemes of foreign origin for the nomination of persons. Quite often, military vocabulary has a negative coloring, contrasts with the neutral vocabulary and attracts the attention of the reader. The military vocabulary is still a little explored layer of lexicology and requires a thorough study, in particular, the question of replenishment of thematic groups, word-building potential of lexemes, etc.

scholarly journals The Role of the UN Peacemaking Operations in the Foreign Policy of Denmark in the 1990s: from an Exemplary Peacemaker to an Ardent Atlanticist

2021 ◽  
pp. 41-50
Author(s):  
N. Belukhin
Keyword(s):  
Status Seeking ◽  
The Usa ◽  
International Activism ◽  
Peace Enforcement ◽  
The One ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The Military ◽  
International Status ◽  
The Eu

Under the Cold War Denmark successfully employed the UN peacemaking operations to increase its own international status and strengthen relations with the key Western allies. The Nordic model of peacemaking was later considered as an example to be followed by other European states in the 1990s. As the role of the UN gradually declined during the 1990s and the UN peacemaking operations led to major failures, most notably the Srebrenica massacre and the Rwandan genocide, NATO, as well as the EU, started expanding their own activities in the sphere of peacemaking and peace enforcement. As a consequence, Denmark stopped considering the UN peacemaking as the main framework for international activism and started getting increasingly engaged in coalition operations and NATO operations as a means to win the favor of the key ally — the USA. Another factor that significantly contributed to Denmark’s growing atlanticism was the so-called "defense clause" which prevented Denmark from participating in the military dimension of the emerging CFSP within the EU and later CSDP. The Danish international activism acquired therefore a tangible military element which on the one hand enabled Denmark to punch above its weight, but at the same time became contradictory to the very ideas and goals which made international activism attractive for the Danish public in the first place. The initial value- and identity-driven UN peacemaking eventually became reduced to a means of accomplishing limited goals of status-seeking and ensuring the country’s place as a non-permanent member of the Security Council. It is thus becoming increasingly difficult for Denmark to reconcile the adherence to humanitarian diplomacy and Nordic "Peace Brand" with aggressive military activism.

De la gestión local a la gobernanza global: actores e interacciones multiniveles en la gestión del agua en la ciudad de México

2011 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 34-66
Author(s):  
Joyce Valdovinos
Keyword(s):  
Private Sector ◽  
Water Governance ◽  
The State ◽  
Public Authorities ◽  
Service Contracts ◽  
Governance Model ◽  
Role Of The State ◽  
The One

The provision of water services has traditionally been considered a responsibility of the state. During the late 1980s, the private sector emerged as a key actor in the provision of public services. Mexico City was no exception to this trend and public authorities awarded service contracts to four private consortia in 1993. Through consideration of this case study, two main questions arise: First, why do public authorities establish partnerships with the private sector? Second, what are the implications of these partnerships for water governance? This article focuses, on the one hand, on the conceptual debate of water as a public and/or private good, while identifying new trends and strategies carried out by private operators. On the other hand, it analyzes the role of the state and its relationships with other actors through a governance model characterized by partnerships and multilevel networks.Spanish La provisión del servicio del agua ha sido tradicionalmente considerada como una responsabilidad del Estado. A finales de la década de 1980, el sector privado emerge como un actor clave en el suministro de servicios públicos. La ciudad de México no escapa a esta tendencia y en 1993 las autoridades públicas firman contratos de servicios con cuatro consorcios privados. A través de este estudio de caso, dos preguntas son planteadas: ¿Por qué las autoridades públicas establecen partenariados con el sector privado? ¿Cuáles son las implicaciones de dichos partenariados en la gobernanza del agua? Este artículo aborda por una parte, el debate conceptual del agua como bien público y/o privado, identificando nuevas tendencias y estrategias de los operadores privados. Por otra parte, se analizan el rol y las relaciones del Estado con otros actores a través de un modelo de gobernanza, definido en términos de partenariados y redes multi-niveles.French Les services de l'eau ont été traditionnellement considérés comme une responsabilité de l'État. À la fin des années 1980, le secteur privé est apparu comme un acteur clé dans la fourniture de certains services publics. La ville de Mexico n'a pas échappé à cette tendance et en 1993, les autorités publiques ont signé des contrats de services avec quatre consortiums privés. À travers cette étude de cas, nous nous interrogerons sur deux aspects : pourquoi les autorités publiques établissentelles des partenariats avec le secteur privé ? Quelles sont les implications de ces partenariats sur la gouvernance de l'eau ? Cet article s'intéresse, d'une part, au débat conceptuel sur l'eau en tant que bien public et/ou privé, en identifiant les tendances nouvelles et les stratégies menées par les opérateurs privés. D'autre part y sont analysés le rôle de l'État et ses relations avec d'autres acteurs à travers un modèle de gouvernance, défini en termes de partenariats, et des réseaux multi-niveaux.

scholarly journals Legislative regulation of linguistic relationships in Ukraine

2019 ◽  
pp. 127-144
Author(s):  
Iuliya Makarets
Keyword(s):  
Language Policy ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Support ◽  
National Language ◽  
State Legislation ◽  
World Community ◽  
Linguistic Model ◽  
Legislative Regulation ◽  
The Status ◽  
State Language

The article focuses on the issue of legislative regulation of linguistic relationships in Ukraine. The ability of a national language to function as a means of consolidation and national identification depends to a large extent on state linguistic policy, political support that the language receives. The state legislation on language is indicative in this regard while it establishes the status of languages, the linguistic model and the linguistic regime. In accordance with the Constitution of Ukraine, the Ukrainian language is a state language in Ukraine. The dynamics of the Ukrainian legislation on languages illustrates the inconsistency of the implementation of this constitutional norm. The article analyzes the milestones of its formation. The content of the basic laws in the sphere of linguistic relationships (Law of the USSR ‘On Languages in the Ukrainian SSR’ (1989), the Law of Ukraine ‘On the Principles of the State Language Policy’ (2012), which is invalid now, and the new Law of Ukraine ‘On the Functioning of the Ukrainian Language as a State Language’ (2019)), the socio-political tendencies, that preceded their adoption, their evaluation by tpublic and world community as well as their consequences for linguistic situation in Ukraine are described. The possibility of official bilingualism approving is studied. The article analyzes historical, cultural and political preconditions for the adoption of official bi- or multilingualism by other states, acceptability of this linguistic model for Ukraine and possibility to overcome existing linguistic contradictions.

scholarly journals US security provision under Joe Biden: A preliminary reconstruction of national strategy

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 348-373
Author(s):  
Vitalii E. Boldyrev ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Raw Materials ◽  
The State ◽  
National Strategy ◽  
Holistic Model ◽  
Global System ◽  
Promising Strategy ◽  
Future Strategy ◽  
The Military

The article proposes a new understanding of the phenomenon of security as the desire of the state to achieve the most favourable trajectory of development under existing constraints. The concept of a favourable trajectory depends on objective factors and its subjective interpretations that are fixed in strategies and programs. In order to make these interpretations systematic and form a holistic model consisting of them, a new algorithm for strategical and program documents has been developed. According to the algorithm, every priority should be marked by code (or its combination) which corresponds to one of the subsystems of the global system and its component to create a database. The analysis of the database makes it possible to isolate problems whose relevance was artificially overestimated prior to elections, to forecast the directions of sequestration of their priorities, to determine the degree of continuity, to rank areas of the policy, to identify probable interconnections among them and to predict the foundations of a promising strategy. In regard to Biden’s program, the algorithm made it possible to achieve the following results. It was revealed that the program is more a succession to Trump’s strategy than innovative. The priority of the economic, social and financial spheres was artificially overestimated and the degree of their importance will be reduced after Biden’s inauguration. Economic, energy and legal spheres will be the cornerstones of Biden’s future strategy. Cyber, raw materials and technological subsystems will be assigned the role of drivers of development. Their successful functioning will be dependent on the dynamics of the military and agricultural sectors. In turn, demographic, trade, financial and credit, civil, humanitarian and cultural subsystems will acquire a more subordinate position and their role will be determined by the solution of specific issues. At the same time, it is difficult to determine the concrete positions and roles of future social and ecological policies because they had been overdeveloped or unclearly prioritized in the electoral program.

scholarly journals Activities of Military Topographers in Western Siberia in Foreign and Domestic Policy of the Russian Empire in 19th Century

2020 ◽  
pp. 360-374
Author(s):  
Evgeny V. Igumnov
Keyword(s):  
Western Siberia ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
The State ◽  
River Channels ◽  
The North ◽  
Literary Sources ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
The Military

The activities of military topographers in Western Siberia to provide cartographic information on the foreign and domestic policies of the Russian Empire in Central Asia and Siberia in the 19th century are considered in the article. The role of information in the formation of the Russian Empire is emphasized. The contribution of the state to the organization of the study of the Asian regions of Russia and neighboring countries is noted. The establishment of the military topographic service in Western Siberia can be traced taking into account data on administrative transformations in the Siberian region, and on changes in the foreign policy of the Russian Empire. The participation of military topographers in determining and designating the state border with China is described in detail. The question of the role of military topographers in the scientific study of China and Mongolia is raised. The significance of the activities of military topographers for the policy of the Russian Empire on the socio-economic development of Siberia and the north-eastern part of the territory of modern Kazakhstan is revealed. The contribution of topographers to the construction of the Trans-Siberian railway, the design of river channels and new land routes is revealed. A large amount of literary sources, materials on the work of military topographers of Western Siberia, published in “Notes of the Military Topographic Department of the General Staff” is used in the article.

The (Mixed) Times of Revolution

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jaime Rodríguez Matos
Keyword(s):  
Political Change ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Jose Lezama Lima ◽  
Difficult Question ◽  
Revolutionary Politics ◽  
Political Foundations ◽  
The One ◽  
The Way

This chapter examines the role of Christianity in the work of José Lezama Lima as it relates to his engagement with Revolutionary politics. The chapter shows the multiple temporalities that the State wields, and contrasts this thinking on temporality with the Christian apocalyptic vision held by Lezama. The chapter is concerned with highlighting the manner in which Lezama unworks Christianity from within. Yet its aim is not to prove yet again that there is a Christian matrix at the heart of modern revolutionary politics. Rather, it shows the way in which the mixed temporalities of the Revolution, already a deconstruction of the idea of the One, still poses a challenge for contemporary radical thought: how to think through the idea that political change is possible precisely because no politics is absolutely grounded. That Lezama illuminates the difficult question of the lack of political foundations from within the Christian matrix indicates that the problem at hand cannot be reduced to an ever more elusive and radical purge of the theological from the political.

Language as a Symbol of Identity and a Tool of Politics and Power in Pakistan and Bangladesh

2016 ◽  
Vol 67 (3) ◽  
pp. 207-218
Author(s):  
Anna Rácová
Keyword(s):  
British Empire ◽  
Religious Identity ◽  
Indian Subcontinent ◽  
The State ◽  
Foreign Languages ◽  
Official Language ◽  
Language Awareness ◽  
Social Prestige ◽  
State Language

Abstract This study aims to demonstrate the roles that domestic and foreign languages have played and play as signs of national or religious identity and social prestige and as tools of political and economic power in multilingual Pakistan and Bangladesh. Before the countries gained independence from the British Empire in 1947 and before the formation of the Indian Union and Pakistan (which was divided into Pakistan and Bangladesh in 1971), the role of an official language, remote to the majority of population in Indian subcontinent, had been gradually played by Sanskrit, Persian, and English. After gaining independence, the new countries decided to replace English as the official language with domestic languages. Their efforts encountered many problems and resulted in various solutions. Urdu became the state language in Pakistan, which caused resistance in local ethnolinguistic groups because the language had been imported by refugees from India. This resistance was the strongest in East Pakistan, where a strong national and language awareness eventually contributed to the formation of an independent Bangladesh with Bengali as the state language. Despite struggle for the dominance of domestic languages, English has preserved its prestigious position both in Pakistan and Bangladesh, as a symbol of higher social position, a language of education and science, and a tool of economic and political power.

Domination and Dereliction: Exploring the State's Roles in Burma

2012 ◽  
Vol 71 (2) ◽  
pp. 361-370 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jacques P. Leider
Keyword(s):  
Environmental Policies ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
Authoritarian State ◽  
Role Of The State ◽  
The One

What these four quite different books broadly share is a focus on the role of the state in Myanmar society. Current scholarship describes the authoritarian state in Myanmar, which has been controlled by the army since 1962, as either dominantly present or neglectfully absent. Censorship and the repression of autonomous spaces in society, on the one hand, and the failure of the state to enforce efficient health and environmental policies, on the other, are keywords in these works that illustrate the double-faced appearance of the state's existence and role in society.

Lebanon: A Military in Politics in a Divided Society

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Oren Barak
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
Public Support ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Role ◽  
Divided Society ◽  
The Military

Since Lebanon’s independence in the mid-1940s, its military—the Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF)—has played a pivotal role in the country’s politics. The political role of the LAF in Lebanon might seem surprising since the Lebanese state did not militarize, and its political leaders have continuously managed to keep their military relatively weak and small. Indeed, in this respect Lebanon has been markedly different from its close neighbors (Syria and Israel), but also from several other Middle Eastern states (especially Egypt and Iraq), where the military, which was large and powerful, was continuously involved in politics. Additionally, both Lebanon and the LAF have persistently striven to distance themselves from regional conflicts since 1949, particularly in relation to the Palestinian issue, albeit not always successfully. Still, and despite these ostensibly unfavorable factors for the military’s involvement in politics in Lebanon, the LAF has played an important political role in the state since its independence. This role, which has been marked by elements of continuity and change over the years, included mediation and arbitration between rival political factions (in 1945–1958, 2008, 2011, and 2019); attempts to dominate the political system (in 1958–1970 and 1988–1990); intervention in the Lebanese civil war (in 1975–1976 and 1982–1984); attempts to regain its balancing role in politics (in 1979–1982 and 1984–1988); and facilitating the state’s postwar reconstruction (since 1991). The political role of the military in Lebanon can be explained by several factors. First, the weakness of Lebanon’s political system and its inability to resolve crises between its members. Second, Lebanon’s divided society and its members’ general distrust towards its civilian politicians. Third, the basic characteristics of Lebanon’s military, which, in most periods, enjoyed broad public support that cuts across the lines of community, region, and family, and found appeal among domestic and external audiences, which, in their turn, acquiesced to its political role in the state.

SCIENTIFIC AND TECHNOLOGICAL SECURITY OF THE STATE IN THE KNOWLEDGE ECONOMY

2015 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 109-115
Author(s):  
Yulia Vaschay
Keyword(s):  
Knowledge Economy ◽  
Science And Technology ◽  
Knowledge Society ◽  
Economic Security ◽  
The State ◽  
Innovation Activity ◽  
Global Indices ◽  
Role Of The State ◽  
Modern Knowledge

The author analyzes the development of the knowledge economy in Ukraine based on global indices that characterize it in the article. The role of the state of science and technology security in the modern knowledge society is found. The author analyzes the dynamics of the main indicators of scientific and innovation activity and key directions which will strengthen the scientific and technological component of economic security in the knowledge economy.

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