scholarly journals Sustainability of Fishing as a Caste-Based Traditional Occupation: An Analysis of Studies on the Kaibartas of Assam, India

2020 ◽  
Vol 72 (1-3) ◽  
Author(s):  
C.J. Sonowal
Keyword(s):  
Central Government ◽  
The State ◽  
Sustainable Livelihood ◽  
Livelihood Assets ◽  
Traditional Occupation ◽  
Sustainable Livelihood Framework ◽  
Research Studies

ABSTRACT Caste-based traditional occupations like fishing have been under pressure due to the inability of people to enhance technology against the intrusion of well-organised caste as well as non-caste entrepreneurial groups of people in to the trade. Fishing has been a traditional occupation among the Kaibartas of Assam who are recognised as Scheduled Caste. The present paper tries to analyse the sustainability of fishing as a traditional occupation among the Kaibartas of Assam amidst the expansion of organised Pisciculture on commercial basis. Some 25 research studies conducted among Kaibartas have been analysed to assess the situation. Using the DFID’s Sustainable Livelihood Framework, the paper shows that the traditional Kaibarta fishermen are not in a position to improve their livelihood through fishing activities due to lack of required livelihood assets as well as due to lack of reach to the development and welfare plans initiated by the state and the central government.

Rice Production in Punjab: Depletion of Water Resources and Environmental Problems

2020 ◽  
pp. 294-299
Keyword(s):  
State Government ◽  
Agricultural Development ◽  
Fruits And Vegetables ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Geographical Area ◽  
The State ◽  
Rice Production ◽  
Nutrient Loss ◽  
High Rate ◽  
Paddy Straw

Punjab has emerged as an important rice-producing state in the country. The state with 1.53 percent of the geographical area of the country produces more than 11 percent of total rice production in the country. The production of rice in Punjab increased more than 10 times due to an increase in area and yield. The growth of a rice crop at such a high rate over 20 years in Punjab is indeed a rare phenomenon in the history of agricultural development in the world. Due to extensive cultivation of rice in Punjab, the state has been over-exploiting the groundwater, more than its recharge. Most of the tube-well dominated districts of the state, witnessed the fall in water table more than 20 to 30 cm per year. To dispose of the paddy straw, the farmers of Punjab generally opt for burning it. This practice of burning of paddy straw besides nutrient loss is posing a serious problem for the public health and transportation system. Rice has now become a problematic crop for Punjab state due to its ill effects on its natural resources, that is, the water and soil environmental degradation. The Punjab Agricultural University experts and other committees estimated that the total groundwater recharge from all sources can sustain/support only 16-17 lakh ha of paddy in Punjab. The area under the crop increased to 29 lakh ha which was unsustainable in the long run. The area under rice in Punjab should be stabilized at 16-17 lakh ha and the remaining paddy area should be shifted to other crops like pulses, oilseeds, maize, fruits, and vegetables, etc. requiringless water, to achieve proper water balance. Thus diversification of some area from paddy is in the interest of Punjab farmers, State government and the Central government for long term food security on a sustainable basis.

Suffering Spectators of Development

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arjun Chowdhury
Keyword(s):  
Civil Wars ◽  
Central Government ◽  
State Capacity ◽  
State Power ◽  
The State ◽  
Colonial Period ◽  
Alternative View

This chapter offers an alternative view of the incidence and duration of insurgencies in the postcolonial world. Insurgencies and civil wars are seen as the primary symptom of state weakness, the inability of the central government to monopolize violence. Challenging extant explanations that identify poverty and low state capacity as the cause of insurgencies, the chapter shows that colonial insurgencies, also occurring in the context of poverty and state weakness, were shorter and ended in regime victories, while contemporary insurgencies are longer and states are less successful at subduing them. The reason for this is the development of exclusive identities—based on ethnicity, religion, tribe—in the colonial period. These identities serve as bases for mobilization to challenge state power and demand services from the state. Either way, such mobilization means that popular demands for services exceed the willingness to disarm and/or pay taxes, that is, to supply the state.

The Political Economy of Post-Independence India—A Review Article

1989 ◽  
Vol 48 (4) ◽  
pp. 787-797 ◽  
Author(s):  
Akhil Gupta
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Organizational Structures ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Newly Industrialized Countries ◽  
The Past ◽  
Nation States ◽  
Balance Of Forces ◽  
The Third World

Economists and political scientists have become increasingly interested in the political economy of India during the past decade and particularly during the past three or four years. The titles under review will be valuable not only to India specialists but also to comparative scholars because of the intriguing mix of conditions found in India. More like a continent than a country in its diversity, India is in some ways very similar to densely populated, predominantly rural and agricultural China, differing most perhaps in the obstinacy and depth of its poverty. In the predominant role played by the state within an essentially capitalist economy, it is closer to the model of Western social democracies than it is to either prominently ideological capitalist or socialist nation-states; like other countries in the “third world,” the state in India plays a highly interventionist developmental role. Finally, since Independence it has pursued, more successfully than most nation-states in Latin America and Asia, policies of importsubstituting industrialization and relative autarchy. In terms of its political structures, India differs from most newly industrialized countries (NICs) in that it generally continues to function as a parliamentary democracy. The federal political system creates an intriguing balance of forces between central and the regional state governments, which are often ruled by opposition parties with agendas, ideologies, and organizational structures quite different from those of the central government.

Organisational Adventures in District Government in Long An Province: Central Regulation Versus Local Initiative

2004 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 279-305
Author(s):  
Natalie Hicks
Keyword(s):  
Agricultural Development ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Agricultural Extension ◽  
The State ◽  
Central Regulation ◽  
Socialist Republic ◽  
Reform Era ◽  
Local Initiative ◽  
District Government

AbstractThis article explores the role of district government in agricultural development in Vietnam's Long An province from 1954 to the present. It argues that it is only in the reform era that the district has begun to realise its potential as a 'transmission belt' between the higher authorities and the grassroots. Under the South Vietnamese regime and in the pre-reform era of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam, local initiative was stifled as policy was dictated from on high by central government, with disastrous consequences. In the reform era, district officials have been joined by 'associates of the state', such as agricultural extension officers, to develop innovative 'local' approaches to agricultural development. This has led to increased prosperity but also rising inequality. While the central government has been more willing to allow local experimentation under reform, its influence and interests are still felt, even at the district level. Most scholars emphasise a sharp break between pre-1975 and post-1975 Vietnam. By contrast, this article highlights the way in which there are important elements of continuity both between regimes and between the pre-reform and post-reform eras.

scholarly journals Tuareg-Rebellion, Islamismus und Staatskrise in Mali

2013 ◽  
Vol 43 (170) ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Greven
Keyword(s):  
Social Relationship ◽  
Central Government ◽  
The State ◽  
Islamic Fundamentalism ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
The North ◽  
Majority Population ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Government ◽  
Spontaneous Reaction

The root causes of the ongoing crisis in Northern Mali lie in the region’s underdevelopment, exacerbated by longstanding, if recently decreasing, neglect of the central government; the complex social relationship between the largest minority, the Tuareg, and the majority population, which has worsened since a largely unresolved crisis in the 1990s; and the growing interest of a small but growing number of actors involved in the drug trade and other criminal activities in the absence of the state. Among the latter have been a growing number of Jihadists, at first mostly from Algeria, who have been taking Western citizens hostage and therefore caused the US and France to pressure the Malian government to re-establish a presence of the state in the North. The clash was all but inevitable when several thousand heavily armed Tuareg fighters came to Mali after the defeat of Gaddafi in Libya. A new element of the crisis is the growing number of jihadists among the Tuareg rebels and other Malians, but neither Tuareg irredentism nor Islamic fundamentalism has more than minority support in Mali, Northern Mali, or among the Tuareg. The coup d’état against the president, while most likely a spontaneous reaction to the inability of the government to fight the rebellion, uncovered a structural crisis of Malian democracy and society. The disintegration of Mali’s long-praised formal democratic institutions after the coup showed fundamental problems. However, political supporters of the coup who assumed that the population’s tacit support of the coup could be turned into a movement for fundamental social change, had to find that it was largely an opportunistic and diffuse expression of general discontent.

scholarly journals An Examination of Rural Homestay Operations through the Lens of the Sustainable Livelihood Framework: A Case Study of Phou Khao Khouay National Park Community-Based Tourism (PKK NP CBT), Lao PDR

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Khamsavay Pasanchay
Keyword(s):  
Qualitative Methodology ◽  
Local Community ◽  
Culture Shock ◽  
Primary Data ◽  
Sustainable Livelihood ◽  
Structured Interviews ◽  
Community Based ◽  
Sustainable Livelihood Framework ◽  
The Government

<p>In many developing countries, Community-Based Tourism (CBT) is regarded as a sustainable tourism development tool as well as a catalyst for rural community development through the involvement of local people and the improvement of the standard of living. To extend the involvement of the local community in CBT, homestay tourism is a form of operation unit and its concept aims to facilitate individual household social-cultural and economic benefit from CBT directly. Although homestays are widely regarded as providing better livelihoods directly to the homestay operators, it is not clear to what extent homestay operations actually contribute to the sustainable livelihood of homestay operators when considering the wider livelihood implications. This research seeks to explore this gap by analysing homestay operators through the lens of Sustainable Livelihood theory (Scoones, 1998). This research adopts a post-positivist paradigm with qualitative methodology. Taking a case study approach, semi-structured interviews and observations were employed to collect primary data from community leaders, heads and deputy heads of the tourist guides, and homestay operators themselves.  Results of the study found that although homestay tourism was initially established by the government. The study also found the main characteristics of the homestay operation are in a small size with a limitation of bedrooms, and a few family members involved in hosting tourists, which are husband, wife, and an adult child. All of these people are unpaid labour but receive benefits from the sharing of food and shelter. The study also uncovered that cash-based income, gender empowerment enhancement, and environmental enhancement were the positive impacts of homestay tourism on the livelihoods of the homestay operators, and these positive livelihood outcomes were in line with the original sustainable livelihood framework. In addition, cultural revitalisation was found as an emerged indicator of the sustainable livelihood outcomes, which was used to extend the revised framework. However, the study discovered that opportunity costs, culture shock, and conflict with villagers were negative implications affecting sustainable livelihood outcomes of the homestay operators. The revised Sustainable Livelihood Framework (SLF) suggests that if these negative implications are mitigated, the overall livelihood outcomes will be even greater. The results of this study are expected to provide a deeper understanding of how the impacts of homestay tourism on the sustainable livelihood of the homestay operators.</p>

scholarly journals RENCANA AKSI NASIONAL BELA NEGARA

2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (01) ◽  
pp. 1-16
Author(s):  
Agus Subagyo
Keyword(s):  
Local Governments ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Action Plan ◽  
The State ◽  
Government Agencies ◽  
Regional Government ◽  
Regional Autonomy ◽  
Three Stages ◽  
State Defense ◽  
Government Level

This article aims to explain the 2018-2019 state defense action plan in Presidential Instruction No. 7 of 2018 which mandates all ministries, non-ministerial government agencies, and local governments to take action to defend the country through three stages, namely the stages of socialization, internalization, and movement action. The dilution of the state defense action plan at the central government level has been very active, however, at the level of the reverent regional government it has not yet been felt, especially with the existence of regional autonomy where the central government is not necessarily able to "control" the regional government, so that all this needs attention parties, to see the perspective of the regional government in implementing the state defense action plan.

Trends of centre–state relations in India under the neo-liberal regime

2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 83-91 ◽  
Author(s):  
Prabhat Patnaik
Keyword(s):  
Interest Rates ◽  
State Government ◽  
Central Government ◽  
The State ◽  
State Governments ◽  
Tax Rates ◽  
Economic Role ◽  
Goods And Services ◽  
Role Of The State ◽  
Financial Strength

India had been envisioned as a federation by our Constitution makers, and so states were assigned some important subjects in which the centre could have no or only limited authority. Thus state governments run by opposition parties could pursue policies different from those of the Central Government in a number of ways. But since the onset of economic ‘liberalisation’ beginning with the late 1980s the financial strength and economic role of the state governments have been constantly undermined. This came, first, through the raising of interest rates to attract foreign finance capital, which created budgetary crises for the states since they fell under heavy debt simply to pay interest on existing debt. Neo-liberal policies were then imposed on them by Finance Commissions which made compliance with these compulsory for centre’s financial assistance. More recently the states’ powers have been further curtailed by the Goods and Services Tax, which has deprived the state government of the power to determine tax rates on goods produced within the states. Another means to the same end has been the centre’s trade agreements with foreign countries, with no reference made to states whose products thereby may be priced out of the market. The demonetisation of 2016, which impacted so destructively on employment and the cooperative sector in the states, was also undertaken by the centre without any reference to the states.

Tight or Loose Control

2020 ◽  
pp. 98-102
Author(s):  
Alasdair Roberts
Keyword(s):  
Central Government ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
Command Economy ◽  
Free Markets ◽  
The Everyday ◽  
Economic Sphere ◽  
Governance Strategies ◽  
The Right ◽  
Made In

This chapter examines the second dilemma in the design of governance strategies, which relates to strictness of control. Leaders must choose whether to monitor and regulate behavior loosely or intensively. This is certainly true with regard to control of the everyday conduct of citizens through surveillance and policing. A similar choice must be made in the economic sphere, between a command economy and free markets. And the dilemma arises again within the apparatus of the state itself. For example, central government must decide whether to exercise more or less supervision over lower levels of government. Moreover, within each level of government, political leaders must decide whether to give more or less autonomy to bureaucrats charged with implementing their policies. In all of these contexts, similar calculations about the right measure of control must be made.

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