THE STRUGGLE FOR THE AUDIENCE: METAPHORS IN THE TEXTS OF LATE 19TH AND EARLY 20TH CENTURIES RUSSIAN CONSERVATIVES

2021 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 80-98
Author(s):  
Alexandra Petukhova ◽  

The article presents an attempt to reconstruct the system of thinking of Russian conservative nationalists of the late Empire period based on a comparison of the formal and substantive features of their texts, which were dedicated to the "Finnish question". Taken together, these texts constituted a single "anti-Finnish discourse" created in order to influence the government and public opinion on the status of the Grand Duchy of Finland. However, they were united not only by origin and content, but also by common formal characteristics such as rhetorical features and tricks, vocabulary, and syntactic constructions. Metaphors were the most important formal element of this discourse. They can be combined into four conventional metaphorical models: historical, military, criminal, and physiological. The analysis of metaphorical series allows us to make conclusions not only about how well publicists commanded methods of propaganda influence on the audience, but also about the logic of their thinking. With the help of metaphors and auxiliary linguistic tools linked to them, “one’s own” and “alien” social strata were marked, an ideal society was described, and discourse authors’ attitude to the current situation in the country was demonstrated.

Author(s):  
Ngo Tan Vu Khanh ◽  
Ma Thanh Danh ◽  
Gwangyong Gim

Electronic government (e-government) has established as an effective mechanism for increasing government productivity and efficiency and a key enabler of citizen- centric services. Despite the considerable investment of the Government of Vietnam in e-government, the outcomes of it are still far below the expectation. This paper aims also to assess the current situation of e-government in Vietnam and to investigate the reasons for the modest results of it. Different indicator groups for the measurement of e-government will be applied to access the status of each dimension of e-government as well as the overall performance of e-government in general. The challenges and issues of implementing e-Government systems will also be relevant to implementing ICTs to build systems to support e-governance.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1915-1934
Author(s):  
Ngo Tan Vu Khanh ◽  
Ma Thanh Danh ◽  
Gwangyong Gim

Electronic government (e-government) has established as an effective mechanism for increasing government productivity and efficiency and a key enabler of citizen- centric services. Despite the considerable investment of the Government of Vietnam in e-government, the outcomes of it are still far below the expectation. This paper aims also to assess the current situation of e-government in Vietnam and to investigate the reasons for the modest results of it. Different indicator groups for the measurement of e-government will be applied to access the status of each dimension of e-government as well as the overall performance of e-government in general. The challenges and issues of implementing e-Government systems will also be relevant to implementing ICTs to build systems to support e-governance.


1997 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 275-290
Author(s):  
George Wedell

ALL GOVERNMENTS WHETHER OR NOT PARTICIPATIVE NEED TO KEEP an eye on public opinion if they are to maintain their legitimacy. Even autocratic governments have to provide some bread and circuses for their citizens if they are to stay in power. Autocratic governments throughout history have relied on achieving the acquiescence of their citizens first by convincing most of them that the status quo is the best available, given the constraints under which the government is operating at the time. Alternatively they have had to externalize their problems by convincing the citizens that there is external pressure which can be resisted only by the exercise of restraint and patriotic support for the government.


2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 169-181
Author(s):  
Nandita Haksar

This article argues that although Irom Sharmila’s 16-year-old fast from November 2000 to August 2016 has earned her the status of an icon of non-violent protest, yet she did not seek these appellations; her only aim was to put moral pressure on the government to repeal the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, 1958. The article seeks to assess the efficacy of Irom Sharmila’s protest and how far it has helped or hindered in mobilizing public opinion against the Act. It propounds that the publicity around Irom Sharmila put her on a pedestal and trapped her in her own image, made invisible entire histories of sufferings of people in the northeast, including Manipur, and their struggles against the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act. The gains of many struggles and efforts were wiped out of the collective memory of the nation and the only image of Manipur was this frail woman with a tube hanging from her nose. The article also argues that there is a kind of fetish in the way the media celebrates non-violence without reference to the political context.


1989 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 157-178 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian McAllister ◽  
Donley T. Studlar

ABSTRACTPrivatization is an idea that is popular among political elites throughout the advanced industrial world. In Britain, it has been the centrepiece of Margaret Thatcher's three Conservative governments, reflected in the sale of publicly-owned industries to the private sector and in the sale of council houses to their tenants. Using survey data, this article tests two models to account for privatization policy. The median voter model argues that it was a policy demanded and initiated by voters, while the elite interests model argues that it stemmed from the government and that little popular demand existed for it. The evidence confirms the elite interests model and shows that public opinion has generally accepted the status quo on the public ownership of industry. In addition, the Conservatives have made modest electoral gains from privatization. However, voters are not consistent in their views about privatizating particular industries, implying the Conservatives may lose votes with future privatization.


2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 313-328
Author(s):  
Fathul Aminudin Aziz

Fines are sanctions or punishments that are applied in the form of the obligation to pay a sum of money imposed on the denial of a number of agreements previously agreed upon. There is debate over the status of fines in Islamic law. Some argue that fines may not be used, and some argue that they may be used. In the context of fines for delays in payment of taxes, in fiqh law it can be analogous to ta'zir bi al-tamlīk (punishment for ownership). This can be justified if the tax obligations have met the requirements. Whereas according to Islamic teachings, fines can be categorized as acts in order to obey government orders as taught in the hadith, and in order to contribute to the realization of mutual benefit in the life of the state. As for the amount of the fine, the government cannot arbitrarily determine fines that are too large to burden the people. Penalties are applied as a message of reprimand and as a means to cover the lack of the state budget.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 126 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fradhana Putra Disantara

This study aims to analyze the relevance of the �health emergency� status to the existing legal theory and condition as well as to identify the validity of the Circular Letter of the Rector of State Universities. To this end, this study applied the statute and conceptual approach. The study was conducted by inventorying primary and secondary legal materials to obtain a proper and critical review of the legal issues under study. The results showed that the determination of the �health emergency� status by the government was inappropriate due to the uncertainty of the regulations issued by the government to determine the current condition. Thus, the status of the COVID-19 pandemic is a �legal emergency� status. Further, the Rector�s policy through the Circular Letter is valid judicially, sociologically, and philosophically. The determination of the �legal emergency� status can be done by issuing a Perppu without a �state of emergency� from the President. Finally, it is suggested to firstly get an approval from the Ministry of Education and Culture regarding the issuance of the Rector�s Circular Letter. Besides, further study is needed as this study was conducted during the COVID-19 pandemic.�Keabsahan Surat Edaran Rektor Perguruan Tinggi dalam Pandemi Covid-19Tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah untuk menganalisa relevansi status �darurat kesehatan� dengan teori hukum dan kondisi yang ada dan keabsahan atas Surat Edaran Rektor Perguruan Tinggi Negeri. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah statute approach dan conseptual approach. Penelitian dilakukan dengan menginventarisasi bahan hukum primer dan sekunder, guna mendapatkan kajian yang seyogianya dan telaah kritis terkait isu hukum. Hasil penelitian menyatakan penetapan status darurat kesehatan oleh pemerintah kurang tepat, dikarenakan tidak menentu-nya peraturan yang dikeluarkan oleh pemerintah untuk menetapkan kondisi saat ini. Sehingga, status pandemi COVID-19 merupakan status darurat hukum. Kebijakan rektor melalui Surat Edaran adalah absah secara aspek yuridis, sosiologis, dan filosofis. Penetapan darurat hukum cukup dilakukan dengan menerbitkan Perppu tanpa pernyataan darurat dari Presiden. Saran peneliti adalah di perlukan persetujuan pada Kementerian Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan terkait terbitnya Surat Edaran Rektor, dan dibutuhkan penelitian lebih lanjut dikarenakan penelitian ini dilakukan pada masa COVID-19 yang bersifat temporal.�


Author(s):  
Markus T Lasut ◽  
Adianse Tarigan

A study on water quality status of three riverine systems, S. Bailang (SB), S. Maasing (SM), and S. Tondano (ST), in coastal city of Manado, North Sulawesi Province, has been conducted to measure several water quality parameters, to analyse source and quality of wastewater discharge, and to assess the status of the rivers related to the water quality. Measurement of the parameters was conducted using three indicators, i.e. organic (BOD5) and in-organic (N-NO3 and P-PO4), and pathogenic microorganism (Escherichia coli [EC] and total coliform [TC]). The result showed that the level of water quality varied between the rivers. The average level of water quality (based on the observed parameters) in SB, respectively, was 0.317 mg/l, 0.093 mg/l, 2 mg/l, >2420 MPN, and  >2420 MPN; in SM, respectively, was 0.029 mg/l, 1.859 mg/l, 17.7 mg/l, >2420 MPN, and >2420 MPN; and in ST, respectively, was 0.299 mg/l, 0.252 mg/l, 3.5 mg/l, >2420 MPN, and >2420 MPN. The level of water quality between the rivers was not significantly different (p>0.05), except based on the parameter of N-NO3 which was significantly different (p<0.01). The status of the observed rivers varied based on the classes of their water utilities (according to the Government Regulation of Indonesia, No. 82, 2001); mostly was "unsuitable". Kajian tentang status kualitas air di 3 perairan sungai di kota pesisir Manado, S. Bailang (SB), S. Maasing (SM), dan S. Tondano (ST), Provinsi Sulawesi Utara, telah dilakukan yang bertujuan untuk mengukur beberapa parameter kualitas air, menganalisis sumber dan kualitas buangan limbah domestik, dan menilai status ketiga perairan sungai tersebut. Tiga indikator digunakan, yaitu: bahan organik (BOD5), bahan anorganik (N-NO3 dan P-PO4), dan mikroorganisme patogenik (Escherichia coli [EC] dan coliform total [TC]). Hasil kajian menunjukkan bahwa tingkat kualitas air perairan tersebut berbeda-beda. Konsentrasi rerata parameter kualitas air  (BOD5, N-NO3, P-PO4, EC, dan TC) di SB, berturut-turut, sebesar 0.317 mg/l, 0.093 mg/l, 2 mg/l, >2420 MPN, dan >2420 MPN; di SM, berturut-turut, sebesar 0.029 mg/l, 1.859 mg/l, 17.7 mg/l, >2420 MPN, dan >2420 MPN; dan di ST, berturut-turut, sebesar 0.299 mg/l, 0.252 mg/l, 3.5 mg/l, >2420 MPN, dan >2420 MPN. Konsentrasi kualitas air ketiga sungai tersebut tidak berbeda secara signifikan (p>0.05), kecuali parameter N-NO3 (p<0.01). Secara umum, kondisi kualitas air ketiga sungai tersebut, menurut Peraturan Pemerintah No. 82, 2001) berada dalam status “tidak cocok” untuk peruntukannya.


Author(s):  
V. I. Denysenko

The failure to sign the Association Agreement with the EU in autumn 2013 has been investigated. The role of the Russian factor, which became decisive in the foreign policy reversal of the Yanukovych regime, has been revealed. The importance of Viktor Yanukovych’s meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin on October 27, 2013, in the dramatic change of Ukraine’s international vector has been emphasized. On the basis of diplomats’ memoirs, the assumption about intimidation of the Ukrainian President by the Russian side has been substantiated. The timeline of the preparation of the 2013 Vilnius Summit, the position of EU structures and the attempts of the fourth President of Ukraine to win time to trade with the Russians have been reproduced. The thesis about the Donetsk clan’s attempts to prepare public opinion for a 180 degree turn in late October - early November 2013 has been presented. For this purpose, demonstration meetings were organized with representatives of Ukrainian business and trade unions, who called for revision of plans for European integration on their own initiative. The main role in manipulating public opinion rested on the government of Mykola Azarov and the Verkhovna Rada, which had a majority coalition led by the Party of Regions. Instead, Viktor Yanukovych continued his European integration rhetoric and reiterated to Western partners his own willingness to sign the Association Agreement between Ukraine and the EU. On November 21, the real position of the ruling elite was made available to the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine. According to it, the process of preparation for the signing of the Association Agreement was suspended, the proposal was made for the trilateral Ukraine-EU-Russia negotiations, and the ministries were tasked with developing measures to maintain economic ties with the CIS countries. The decision was rejected by European partners and led to Yanukovych’s attempts to find other ways to thwart the signing of the Agreement. It has been proved that this role was played by Yanukovych’s requirements for financial assistance from the EU amounting to about 160 billion euros, which aimed to prevent the signing of the Association Agreement. Key words: Viktor Yanukovych, association of Ukraine with the EU, эYulia Tymoshenko, European integration, Pat Cox, Alexander Kwasniewski, Vladimir Putin.


Author(s):  
Shalakha Rao ◽  
Shivani Kushwaha

The connection between poverty and women's lack of power over resources and decision-making has now caught the attention of policymakers in government and mainstream development all over the world. Women empowerment issues perceived nationally or locally are being addressed by both state and non-state agencies. Beside the government intervention, NGOs are implementing various types of Women Empowerment Programmes including IG Programmes. Women Empowerment Programmes in India include livelihood support Programme, rehabilitation and job placement for rescued women, safe motherhood Programme and so forth. In spite of involvement of various NGOs in women empowerment through Income Generation and Skill Development Programmes, the status of women is still not satisfactory in India as various official as well as unofficial reports claim and the outcomes against the stated objectives of the NGOs' Women Empowerment Programmes are often questioned. Therefore, the present study is focused in assessing the impact of IG Programmes run by non-government organizations in empowering women. The researcher hypothesizes that IG Programme with its components viz., skill training, resource inputs of loan and equipment help to increase income to the women through independent business or work in the related field; the increased income lessens their dependence on family heads and enables to spend for personal expenses; gives them certain freedoms as individuals; enables them to contribute to family affairs financially, which creates an environment in the family in favor or the women to accept her views and participation in family matters like education, marriage, purchase etc.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document