scholarly journals Pasang-Surut Komitmen Kebangsaan

Author(s):  
Yudi Latif

Our national commitment can be seen through three phases, namely in the early days of independence, in the New Order era, and in the Reform Era. Our national commitment at the beginning of the independen- ce is scratched as negative-defensive nationalism force, when it was faced with a common enemy from outside (colonization). Our national commit- ment in the New Order era is marked by making economy as the comman- der in terms of growth, stability and centralization of power, bringing a variety of inequality. The most striking, there is lack of harmony between the national and statehood character. National multicultural character of Indonesia was denied by the centralized nature of waking state. Imbalance between central and local government with denial of political, social, eco- nomic and cultural rights of local communities. Meanwhile, the national commitment in the Reformation Era is characterized by openness and free- dom of public space that brings euphoria for the expression of marginalized identities. Efforts to bring diversity of expression "plural monoculturalism" into the situation of "multi-culturalism"—with willingness of being differen- ce (pluralism) and willingness of being united (cosmopolitanism)— requires a new solidarity framework, which is based on the premises of political na- tionalism based on rationality, volunteerism and shared prosperity.

2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 16-27
Author(s):  
Abdulloh Fuadi

This paper discusses the discourse about the complexity of ethnic and religious identity monism in Mataram Lombok West Nusa Tenggara; Sasak ethnic is Islam, while Balinese ethnic is Hindu. The question is then does religious conversion also include ethnic conversion? Methodologically, this paper is library research. Several notes related to this discourse are as follows: (1) Increasing conflict escalation occurs during the Reformation era. Identity politics emerge and strengthen. In several conflicts at Mataram, the ethnic and religious identity is thickening. (2) There is a complexity between democracy and diversity. Democracy demands unity, while multiculturalism emphasizes particularity. Balancing them is easy in theory but difficult in practice. (3) It must be distinguished between politics and politicization. In the case of Indonesia, ethnic and religious issues are often politicized by some people to achieve their own group goals. (4) Relying on ethnicity is a natural instinct in self-defense and affirming identity. This is not necessary to be troubled and blamed. (5) These problems are like a Pandora's box, a box full of diseases. It was the reform era that opened the box which had been closed or covered by the New Order. What happened in the Reformation Era is the emergence of various ethnic and religious problems which were not recognized during the New Order era.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 9
Author(s):  
Ni Luh Ayu Sukmawati

The transition era between the New Order Era to the Reformation Era in Indonesia in 1998 became one of the popular themes for Indonesian writers. One of the works entitled Tembok Pak Rambo inserted elements of historical facts that occurred in Indonesia. The representation of the obscurity of the new order in this short story cannot be read only with heuristic readings, therefore a theory is needed to explore more profound the significance of the story. This paper utilizes the intertextuality approach in dismantling the veiled meanings in the story. The results showed that the short story represents two Indonesian leaders in the era of the new order transition to the reform era. This representation appears when aligned with a book called The Long Way of Indonesia Towards Democracy written by B. J. Habibie. Moreover, the short story titled Tembok Pak Rambo is not just about the hegemony between the ruler to his subordinates, but how the Indonesian writers were trying to criticism on the government and the historical facts that happened in 1998.


2011 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 171-195 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maribeth Erb

AbstractEastern Indonesia, most notably Nusa Tenggara Timor province, has been frequently referred to as the poorest region in Indonesia and claims have recently been made that it is the most corrupt as well. The spread of corruption in the post-Suharto period, with the introduction of regional autonomy and decentralisation, has often been commented on; but what is corruption? How do people define it? This paper uses an anthropological lens on corruption to suggest that with the spread of ideas of ‘good governance’ and ‘democracy’, one significant way that local communities in NTT province engage with the state and define corruption is as an abuse of power and non-consultation with the populace. This has become particularly acute with the government belief that new investment opportunities in the reform era will become a road to development and prosperity for local communities, who are, however, seen to be unable to provide for themselves or seek their own ways out of poverty. Several regional governments in NTT province have taken advantage of new laws put into effect in the reform era to award mining concessions to domestic and foreign mining companies. A swell of protest has arisen across the province, however, and an increasing critique of poor government and corrupt practices focuses on these mining contracts.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 110-122
Author(s):  
Arthur Aritonang

 This article examines deviations from the original purpose of the regional autonomy system in the Reformation era. Since the beginning, the local autonomy system was a response to a centralized government system during the New Order regime. The implementation of regional autonomy so that each region can regulate, develop, and advance its region. However, the spirit of regional autonomy has been distorted due to public policies' existence through a set of rules that impose religious law, which ultimately limits the development of other religions. In reality, regional / regency regulations with religious nuances clash with the Republic of Indonesia's existing constitution. This study uses the literature method approach, which focuses on the topic of regional autonomy as well as conducting interviews with national figures Andreas A. Yewangoe because his thoughts will be raised in responding to deviations from the original purpose of the formation of regional autonomy policies in Indonesia. In conclusion, Yewangoe gave a theological response so that matters of religious law were aimed at his religious group, not being forced to be applied in a heterogeneous public space to create democracy in Indonesia following the principles of humanity and justice for Indonesian people. 


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 14-34
Author(s):  
Ulfah Nury Batubara ◽  
Aman Aman

Abstract: This article aims to examine the development of historical learning from post-independence Indonesia to the Reformation period. During that period, Indonesia has made 9 (nine) curriculum changes. Learning history at the beginning of independence was characterized by a spirit of nationalism, considering that this time, Indonesia still had to struggle to maintain its independence. Entering the Suharto government, historical learning directions and policies also changed along with political interests, namely strengthening the legitimacy of Suharto's power. Furthermore, the Reformation period marked by the end of Suharto's rule, the direction and purpose of historical learning also changed, namely preparing the younger generation to have human resources that are equal to other countries. Learning of the history of the reform era made many changes and reviewed various past events that did not exist in the history books of the New Order. The research method used is descriptive method, which describes the problem to obtain answers. The results of the study show that learning from time to time changes color following the color of government politics. This is because history learning has a very strategic role in supporting government programs.    Artikel ini bertujuan untuk mengkaji perkembangan pembelajaran sejarah mulai dari pasca kemerdekaan Indonesia hingga masa Reformasi. Selama periode itu, Indonesia sudah melakukan perubahan kurikulum sebanyak 9 (sembilan) kali. Pembelajaran sejarah di awal kemerdekaan diwarnai dengan semangat nasionalisme, mengingat masa ini, Indonesia masih harus berjuang mempertahankan kemerdekaannya. Memasuki pemerintahan Soeharto, arah dan kebijakan pembelajaran sejarah juga berubah seiring dengan kepentingan politik, yakni memperkuat legitimasi kekuasaan Soeharto. Selanjutnya masa Reformasi yang ditandai dengan berakhirnya kekuasaan Soeharto, arah dan tujuan pembelajaran sejarah ikut berubah, yakni menyiapkan generasi muda untuk memiliki SDM yang sejajar dengan negara lain. Pembelajaran sejarah era reformasi banyak melakukan perubahan dan mengkaji berbagai peristiwa masa lalu  yang tidak ada pada buku-buku sejarah masa Orde Baru. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah metode deskriptif, yaitu menggambarkan masalah untuk memperoleh jawaban. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa pembelajaran dari masa ke masa berubah warna mengikuti  warna politik pemerintah.  Hal ini disebabkan karena pembelajaran sejarah memiliki peran yang sangat strategis dalam mendukung program pemerintah.


Author(s):  
Azhar Abbas ◽  
Timbul Dompak

Elections in Indonesia, have been held periodically since 1955, then in 1971 After that, elections are held every 5 years, starting in 1977, 1982, 1987, 1992, and 1997. The democratization process carried out with the Elections above, especially during the New Order have not been able to produce the expected democratic values. During the Reformation period, Indonesia had begun elections in 1999, then in 2004, 2009, 2014 and 2019.There is something interesting about the dynamics of the development of democracy in this country since the reformation began in 1998. One thing that stands out is the impact of democracy on people's welfare. In the midst of public space, various discussions emerged about whether democracy is still an appropriate system for answering the concept of a better state and being able to provide welfare for all the people of Indonesia. Through elections, voters can channel their chosen aspirations. The hope, of course, is choosing leaders who can realize programs that can improve people's welfare.


2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 318
Author(s):  
Arif Budi Darmawan ◽  
Ayu Dwi Susanti ◽  
Azinuddin Ikram Hakim ◽  
Fadhil Naufal

The end of the New Order era is an opportunity to develop a new structure in Indonesia. The beginning of the reformation era was marked by the emergence of the Islamist movements or the rising religious spirit era. In this article, the term Islamism is not defined as a discourse within politics of religion, but it refers to narrative spiritual expression in the public space. In a more specific way, this article would like to describe how young Muslims criticize Islamism in their daily lives. This research found that Islamism that occurs in family milieu and in the circle of a friendship has created anxiety mong them. This anxiety appears in the form of disagreement on monolithic definition of Islamism, the criticism of the new pattern of piety in the public space, and the counter narrative to the Islamism phenomenon. Pasca runtuhnya rezim Orde Baru seolah menjadi ‘keran’ bagi terbukanya sistem dan struktur sosial di masyarakat, salah satunya ditandai dengan menguatnya Islamisme atau kebangkitan semangat beragama. Islamisme yang akan diulas di penelitian ini bukan merujuk pada diskursus relasi politik agama, namun lebih kepada eksistensi dari ekspresi keagamaan yang muncul dalam bentuk meningkatnya penggunaan atribut Islam di ruang publik. Penelitian ini secara khusus berupaya memberikan gambaran bagaimana pemuda Muslim mengkritisi fenomena Islamisme dalam kehidupan sehari-hari. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan adanya Islamisme yang terjadi di ruang lingkup keluarga dan pertemanan melahirkan berbagai keresahan bagi anak muda. Keresahan itu terwujud melalui ketidaksetujuan tentang pemaknaan baru dalam Islam yang dinilai homogen, kritik atas pola kesalehan di ruang publik, dan munculnya konter narasi berupa perlawanan atas fenomena Islamisme.


2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 407-424
Author(s):  
Jamaluddin Jamaluddin

Indonesian reformation era begins with the fall of President Suharto. Political transition and democratic transition impact in the religious life. Therefore, understandably, when the politic transition is not yet fully reflects the idealized conditions. In addition to the old paradigm that is still attached to the brain of policy makers, various policies to mirror the complexity of stuttering ruler to answer the challenges of religious life. This challenge cannot be separated from the hegemonic legacy of the past, including the politicization of SARA. Hegemony that took place during the New Order period, adversely affected the subsequent transition period. It seems among other things, with airings various conflicts nuances SARA previously muted, forced repressive. SARA issues arise as a result of the narrowing of the accommodation space of the nation state during the New Order regime. The New Order regime has reduced the definition of nation-states is only part of a group of people loyal to the government to deny the diversity of socio-cultural reality in it. To handle the inheritance, every regime in the reform era responds with a pattern and a different approach. It must be realized, that the post-reform era, Indonesia has had four changes of government. The leaders of every regime in the reform era have a different background and thus also have a vision that is different in treating the problem of racial intolerance, particularly against religious aspect. This treatment causes the accomplishment difference each different regimes of dealing with the diversity of race, religion and class that has become the hallmark of Indonesian society.


e-Finanse ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 12-21
Author(s):  
Beata Zofia Filipiak ◽  
Marek Dylewski

AbstractThe purpose of the article is analysis of participatory budgets as a tool for shaping decisions of local communities on the use of public funds. The authors ask the question of whether the current practice of using the participatory budget is actually a growing trend in local government finances or, after the initial euphoria resulting from participation, society ceased to notice the real possibilities of influencing the directions of public expenditures as an opportunity to legislate public policies implemented. It is expected that the conducted research will allow us to evaluate the participatory budget and indicate whether this tool practically acts as a stimulus for changes in the scope of tasks under public policies. The authors analyzed and evaluated the announced competitions for projects as part of the procedure for elaborating participatory budgeting for selected LGUs. Then, they carried out an in-depth analysis of the data used to assess real social participation in the process of establishing social policies.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 99 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dwiyanto Indiahono ◽  
Erwan Purwanto ◽  
Agus Pramusinto

This research aims to examine differences in the relationship of bureaucratic and political officials during the New Order (Soeharto’s era) and the Reformation (post-Soeharto) era within the arena of public policy implementation. This is a matter of importance given that there is a change in relations between the two from integration in the New Order to bureaucratic impartiality in the Reformation Era. This study attempts to answer the question: How were the relations of bureaucratic and political officials in the implementation of local level public policy during the New Order and the Reformation Era? A qualitative research has been conducted in Tegal Municipality using the following data collection techniques: interview, focus group discussion, documentation, and observation. Tegal Municipality was selected as the study location because of the unique relationship shown between the mayor and the bureaucracy. Its uniqueness lies in the emergence of bureaucratic officials who dare to oppose political officials, based on their convictions that bureaucratic/public values should be maintained even if it means having to be in direct conflict with political officials. This research indicates that the relationship between bureaucratic and political officials in the arena of local level policy implementation during the New Order was characterized as being full of pressure and compliance, whereas during the Reformation Era bureaucrats have the audacity to hinder policy implementation. Such audacity to thwart policies is considered to have developed from a stance that aims to protect public budget and values in policies. The occurring conflict of values here demonstrates a dichotomy of political and bureaucratic officials that is different from the prevailing definition of politics-administration dichotomy introduced at the onset of Public Administration studies.


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