Levitsky and Way and Competitive Authoritarianism: Leverage, Linkage and Organisational Power

Author(s):  
J.N.C. Hill

This chapter charts and explains Steven Levitsky and Lucan Way’s celebrated model for explaining regime transition. It is divided into four sections. The first provides an overview of the dimensions of leverage, linkage and organisational power focusing, in particular, on the inter-play between them; how the strength of one renders the others more or less important. The second section examines the dimension of leverage – the principal ways in which it is exercised and how it is quantified – and defines a Black Knight patron (what a state or regime must do to qualify as one). The third section examines the dimension of linkage; the main forms it takes and how its strength is measured and categorised. And the fourth section examines organisational power; the state and other structures on which it is based.

Author(s):  
Sarah Washbrook

This chapter analyzes the institution of debt peonage in Chiapas during the Porfiriato. The first section examines Porfirian debates regarding the relationship between debt peonage, slavery, and market development in Chiapas. The second section addresses the economics and economic rationality of debt peonage. The third section focuses on the legal foundations of rural peonage and domestic servitude in the state. The fourth section tackles the issue of coercion and consent and the ‘popular legitimacy’ of debt peonage. The final section looks at the issue of debt peonage in Chiapas after the resignation of President Díaz, comparing the legislative proposals of local politicians with those of the Constitutionalists who descended on the state in 1914, and underlining the significance of the institution during the years of Mexico's armed Revolution (1910–20).


Author(s):  
Jim Tomlinson

This chapter begins with the economic crisis of the 1970s, OPEC 1 and Labour’s responses, and the broader ideological challenge presented to social democracy by the economic problems of the mid 1970s. The chapter’s second section looks at the broad growth of anti-state notions amongst a variety of elements in 1970s Britain, including academics, journalists, and think tanks, and how these notions related to the Conservative Party’s developing positions. The third section looks in a more focused fashion at the development of the ‘rolling back the state’ policy agenda as applied to public spending after 1979. The fourth section looks more broadly at the successes and failures of the attempt to roll back the state down to the end of the Conservative government in 1997. The final section looks at how far the state-shrinking agenda reflected or shaped public opinion.


2021 ◽  
pp. 003232172110655
Author(s):  
Rufaida Al Hashmi

The history of immigration policy is marked by the wrongful and discriminatory exclusion of certain groups of people. In this article, I argue that descendants of those who were wrongfully excluded have a pro tanto right to immigrate to the state in question as reparation. I begin by identifying the two main approaches theorists generally take to establish a claim for reparation: the inheritance approach and the counterfactual approach. In the first section, I argue that the inheritance approach does not offer a promising argument for reparations for descendants of those who were wrongfully excluded. In the second section, I argue that the counterfactual approach, by contrast, does. In the third section, I respond to the objection that this prima facie claim for reparation can be undermined by current circumstances. In the fourth section, I show why this reparation should be offered in the form of immigration rights.


2014 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 45-70
Author(s):  
Chun-Yi Lee

This paper argues that the comparison of labour policies in Taiwan and China has an important bearing on the interaction between state and society. The fact that labour policies have changed over time illustrates a process of bargaining between the state and society. The core question of this paper is whether the development of labour policies in Taiwan can provide China a good example to learn from. In order to answer this question more systematically, the first part of this paper provides theoretical reviews of the state-society relationship, while the second part aims to verify whether those labour-favouring policies in Taiwan have changed under a different party's governance. The third part of the paper further investigates labour policy in China; this section mainly focuses on the historical background to the new labour contract law. Based on the preceding two sections’ literature review of the changing path of labour policies, the fourth section scrutinises fundamental issues reflected in the development of Taiwan's labour policies, then compares how those issues are reflected in the case of China. The conclusion of this paper is that although Taiwan, like China, formerly had a one-party system, the changes in Taiwan's labour policies are not completely comparable to China, though both societies had some similarities.


1989 ◽  
Vol 28 (04) ◽  
pp. 270-272 ◽  
Author(s):  
O. Rienhoff

Abstract:The state of the art is summarized showing many efforts but only few results which can serve as demonstration examples for developing countries. Education in health informatics in developing countries is still mainly dealing with the type of health informatics known from the industrialized world. Educational tools or curricula geared to the matter of development are rarely to be found. Some WHO activities suggest that it is time for a collaboration network to derive tools and curricula within the next decade.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (5) ◽  
pp. 59-75
Author(s):  
JAROSLAV KLÁTIK ◽  
◽  
LIBOR KLIMEK

The work deals with implementation of electronic monitoring of sentenced persons in the Slovak Republic. It is divided into eight sections. The first section introduces restorative justice as a prerequisite of electronic monitoring in criminal proceedings. While the second section points out at the absence of legal regulation of electronic monitoring of sentenced persons at European level, the third section points out at recommendations of the Council of Europe addressed to European States. The fourth section analyses relevant alternative punishments in Slovak criminal justice. The fifth section introduces early beginnings of implementation of concerned system - the pilot project “Electronic Personnel Monitoring System” of the Ministry of Justice of the Slovak Republic. While the sixth section is focused on Slovak national law regulating electronic monitoring of sentenced persons - the Act No. 78/2015 Coll. on Control of the Enforcement of Certain Decisions by Technical Instruments, the seventh section is focused on further amendments of Slovak national law - namely the Act No. 321/2018 Coll. and the Act No. 214/2019 Coll. The last eight section introduces costs of system implementation and its operation.


2018 ◽  
Vol 56 (3) ◽  
pp. 42-46
Author(s):  
Barbara Bothová

What is an underground? Is it possible to embed this particular way of life into any definition? After all, even underground did not have the need to define itself at the beginning. The presented text represents a brief reflection of the development of underground in Czechoslovakia; attention is paid to the impulses from the West, which had a significant influence on the underground. The text focuses on the key events that influenced the underground. For example, the “Hairies (Vlasatci)” Action, which took place in 1966, and the State Security activity in Rudolfov in 1974. The event in Rudolfov was an imaginary landmark and led to the writing of a manifesto that came into history as the “Report on the Third Czech Musical Revival.”


Author(s):  
Philipp Zehmisch

This chapter considers the history of Andaman migration from the institutionalization of a penal colony in 1858 to the present. It unpicks the dynamic relationship between the state and the population by investigating genealogies of power and knowledge. Apart from elaborating on subaltern domination, the chapter also reconstructs subaltern agency in historical processes by re-reading scholarly literature, administrative publications, and media reports as well as by interpreting fieldwork data and oral history accounts. The first part of the chapter defines migration and shows how it applies to the Andamans. The second part concentrates on colonial policies of subaltern population transfer to the islands and on the effects of social engineering processes. The third part analyses the institutionalization of the postcolonial regime in the islands and elaborates on the various types of migration since Indian Independence. The final section considers contemporary political negotiations of migration in the islands.


Author(s):  
Agustín Rayo

This article is divided into four sections. The first two identify different logicist theses, and show that their truth-values can be established given minimal assumptions. The third section sets forth a notion of “content-recarving” as a possible constraint on logicist theses. The fourth section—which is largely independent from the rest of the article—is a discussion of “neologicism.”


Human Affairs ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 328-342
Author(s):  
László Bernáth ◽  
János Tőzsér

AbstractOur paper consists of four parts. In the first part, we describe the challenge of the pervasive and permanent philosophical disagreement over philosophers’ epistemic self-esteem. In the second part, we investigate the attitude of philosophers who have high epistemic self-esteem even in the face of philosophical disagreement and who believe they have well-grounded philosophical knowledge. In the third section, we focus on the attitude of philosophers who maintain a moderate level of epistemic self-esteem because they do not attribute substantive philosophical knowledge to themselves but still believe that they have epistemic right to defend substantive philosophical beliefs. In the fourth section, we analyse the attitude of philosophers who have a low level of epistemic self-esteem in relation to substantive philosophical beliefs and make no attempt to defend those beliefs. We argue that when faced with philosophical disagreement philosophers either have to deny that the dissenting philosophers are their epistemic peers or have to admit that doing philosophy is less meaningful than it seemed before. In this second case, philosophical activity and performance should not contribute to the philosophers’ overall epistemic self-esteem to any significant extent.


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