scholarly journals Scale Characteristics of Intercultural Competence Measures and the Effects of Intercultural Competence on Prejudice

2021 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
Author(s):  
Petia Genkova ◽  
Christoph Daniel Schaefer ◽  
Henrik Schreiber ◽  
Martina Rašticová ◽  
Jozsef Poor ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Measurement Invariance ◽  
Intercultural Competence ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Far East ◽  
The United States ◽  
Western European Country ◽  
Multicultural Personality ◽  
Scale Characteristics ◽  
Western European ◽  
Different Cultures

Due to proceeding globalization processes, involving a rise in mobility and international interdependencies, the frequency and relevance of intercultural contact situations increases. Consequently, the ability to deal effectively with intercultural situations is gaining in importance. However, the majority of studies on measures of intercultural competence focuses on Western Europe and the United States or cultures of the Far East. For the present study, previously understudied Eastern European (former communist) cultures were included, by sampling in Hungary, Serbia, and the Czech Republic, in addition to (the Central or Western European country) Germany. Thus, this study enabled comparisons of scale characteristics of the cultural intelligence scale (CQS), the multicultural personality questionnaire (MPQ), as well as the blatant and subtle prejudice scales, across samples from different cultures. It was also examined how the CQS and MPQ dimensions are associated with prejudice. To analyse scale characteristics, the factor structures and measurement invariances of the used instruments were analyzed. There were violations of configural measurement invariance observed for all of these scales, indicating that the comparability across samples is limited. Therefore, each of the samples was analyzed separately when examining how the CQS and MPQ dimensions are related to prejudice. It was revealed that, in particular, the motivational aspect of the CQS was statistically predicting lower prejudice. Less consistently, the MPQ dimensions of open-mindedness and flexibility were statistically predicting lower prejudice in some of the analyses. However, the violations of measurement invariance indicate differences in the constructs' meanings across the samples from different cultures. It is consequently argued that cross-cultural equivalence should not be taken for granted when comparing Eastern and Western European cultures.

Immigrant Religion

2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Alba ◽  
Nancy Foner
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
The United States ◽  
Common Source ◽  
Lower Socioeconomic ◽  
Socioeconomic Profile ◽  
Western European ◽  
Social Divide ◽  
Immigrant Religion

This chapter describes how immigrant religion generally has become a more significant social divide, a greater challenge to integration, and a more common source of conflict with mainstream institutions and practices in Western Europe than in the United States. There are three main reasons for this. Of paramount importance are basic demographic facts. The religious backgrounds of immigrants in Western Europe and the United States are different, mostly Christian in the United States as compared to Western Europe, where a large proportion is Muslim. Muslims of immigrant origin in Western Europe also have a lower socioeconomic profile than those in the United States. Moreover, Western European native majorities have more trouble recognizing claims based on religion because they are more secular than religiously involved Americans.

The Population Ecology of Corporations in the Russian Empire, 1700–1914

Slavic Review ◽  
1991 ◽  
Vol 50 (4) ◽  
pp. 807-826 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas C. Owen
Keyword(s):  
Population Ecology ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Statistical Tests ◽  
Far East ◽  
The United States ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Corporate Development ◽  
The Far East ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Russian Empire

In investigations of the evolution of the corporation in Europe, North America, and the Far East, historians have illuminated variations in the structure of large enterprises in different times and places and investigated responses to legal environments. In tsarist Russia as well, the development of corporations on the national, regional, and sectoral levels was influenced by legal and economic institutions. Data on Russian corporations, however, have been inadequate for the complex statistical tests applied to the European and North American economies. This article offers a preliminary overview of trends in Russian corporate development from 1700 to 1914 in light of a new database and the recently articulated theory of organizational ecology. Although the theory provides stimulating approaches to the history of Russian corporations, it also appears unduly specific in some respects to the history of western Europe and the United States.

IV—Doppler and Civil Aviation

1958 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 138-143 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. O Fraser
Keyword(s):  
Western Europe ◽  
Good Reason ◽  
Far East ◽  
The United States ◽  
High Density ◽  
Civil Aviation ◽  
Position Information ◽  
The North ◽  
The Pacific ◽  
Space Pattern

Those familiar with the history of navigation aids may, with good reason, be reluctant to look upon any new aid as a panacea, but there appears to be no doubt that doppler will effect a revolutionary improvement in air navigation as we know it today. We have, for the first time, an aid self-contained in the aeroplane, independent of propagation conditions or weather, capable of giving position information anywhere over the globe with an accuracy certainly adequate to join the approach facilities at the destination aerodrome. Some of us not actively engaged in flying the world's routes tend to be influenced in our outlook by the navigation problems and facilities in high-density areas like western Europe, the United States or even the North Atlantic, and we are inclined to forget that this is only a very small part of the world route structure. The intensity of aviation activity in these high-density areas warrants the establishment of a network of radio beacons, ranges, VOR's and space pattern systems like Loran and Decca to bring order into the traffic flow, besides assisting the navigation of individual aeroplanes. When, however, we consider the immense distances flown by aircraft through Africa and India to the Far East and Australia, to South America and across the Pacific, to say nothing of Communist Asia, we begin to realize what a real dearth of navigation facilities there is over the globe.

Neo-Fascism in Western Germany and Italy

1955 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 131-143 ◽  
Author(s):  
Taylor Cole
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Late Summer ◽  
The United States ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
The North ◽  
The People ◽  
Western Germany ◽  
Western European ◽  
Foreign Ministers

The action of the French National Assembly in the late summer of 1954 finally ended the hopes of proponents of the European Defense Community Treaty. Today the treaties and protocols of the London and Paris Conferences which proposed the creation of a Western European Union are the objects of official scrutiny. Both Italy and Germany will become members of the Western European Union after the appropriate ratifications of these documents. The restoration of Germany to a status of equality with that of other Western European states and her admission into NATO have been proposed by the Foreign Ministers of the Western powers.But behind these actions there has lurked a fear which is reflected in many European countries, the fear of a neo-fascist rebirth in Western Germany and Italy. The image of a rearmed Germany, feeding on the industry of the Ruhr and associated with a Nazi revival, frightens many French parliamentarians. In Britain, the Bevanites have expressed left-wing Laborite fears of German rearmament and have associated it with probable fascist direction. Said their leader on November 18, 1954, in a parliamentary exchange: “Do you think the people of this Country will be safer against the prospects of war if German armies and their Nazi officers have atom and hydrogen bombs?” The neutralism prevalent among some groups in Western Europe can be interpreted in part as their reaction to similar questions. And in the United States, there has not been lacking in some quarters a belief that there is a dangerous spectre which is haunting Western Europe and the world, namely a neo-fascist revival on the north side of the Rhine.

scholarly journals Les politiques ouest-européennes et le dollar : Dépendance nationale ou autonomie régionale

2005 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 683-744 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Story
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Financial Markets ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
State Policy ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
The United States ◽  
Public Officials ◽  
State Action ◽  
The World ◽  
Western European

The lack of autonomy of Western European states, that is, the limitations which they confront in terms of translating their policy preferences into authoritative actions, cannot be considered solely in terms of idiosyncratic domestic political institutions and cultures, or as the result of greater sensibility and vulnerability to interdependence through the flow of goods, capital and technology. The argument develops around the generalisation that during the period of "détente" from 1965 to 1979, the United States, as the world central bank, inflated the world political economy ; thereafter, the questioning of détente accompanied a United States-led policy of world deflation. European politics, in a variety of intricate ways, followed the rythm set by the United States, with a period of state policy activism in the late 1960s to mid-1970s followed by more sceptical attitudes by public officials, supported by conservative or liberal parties, on the limitations of state action. But while it could be argued that the autonomy of OECD European states was strictly limited in economic policy by the integration of national into European and world markets, it is also demonstratable that the most sensitive of these markets - the world financial markets - are most susceptible to state policy, particularly that of the United States. In turn, the influence exerted on government preferences by world financial markets has grown to such an extent that by 1983, Western European governments are all aligning priorities on what are taken to be market criteria. If fact, they are aligning their priorities on the preferences of the great powers in a period of heightened international tension. Thus, the lack of autonomy of Western European states is of political origin: their subordination through lack of continued regional autonomy in defense and finance. Implicitly, this article suggests a move in Western Europe to a confederal armed force and a European Reserve Bank, as the precondition for a revitalised Atlantic alliance.

New Trends and Patterns in Western European Immigration to the United States

2016 ◽  
Vol 669 (1) ◽  
pp. 168-189 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elyakim Kislev
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
The United States ◽  
European Population ◽  
European Social Survey ◽  
Large Databases ◽  
Before And After ◽  
Western European ◽  
European Immigration ◽  
Number Of Individuals

This study explores the latest changes in Western European immigration to the United States by integrating several large databases: the U.S. census, the American Community Surveys, the European Social Survey, as well as the Human Development Index and Gini index. Findings show that the number of individuals born in Western Europe but with family origins elsewhere who have been immigrating to and settling in the United States is increasing. I divide the Western European population that immigrates to the United States into seven different subpopulations by their ancestries and explore the characteristics of these populations before and after immigrating to the United States. I also examine their relative success in terms of economic and labor outcomes in America, finding, for example, that some of the least advantaged immigrant groups have some of the best economic outcomes in the United States. The different self-selection and assimilation patterns among these immigrants have implications for U.S. public policy, which we identify and begin to explore.

Other Administrative Traditions

2021 ◽  
pp. 154-177
Author(s):  
B. Guy Peters
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
The United States ◽  
European Countries ◽  
Central Question ◽  
National Cultures ◽  
Distinctive Features ◽  
Western European

The four traditions constituting the bulk of this book are from Western Europe. This chapter expands the analysis to look at four other administrative traditions. One is Central and Eastern Europe. Some countries in this region have been heavily influenced by Western European traditions, especially those of the former Hapsburg Empire, but they also display a number of distinctive features. A second tradition is Islamic administration, which has been influenced both by religion and by national cultures. Third, there is Asian public administration, and the question of the importance of the Confucian model is a central question when dealing with this tradition. Finally, there is administration in Latin America, still influenced by its Iberian past but which has been influenced also by the Napoleonic tradition and to a lesser extent by the United States. The same elements of administrative traditions used in reference to Western European countries are applied to these four traditions.

Agonistic Queer TV Studies for Western Europe

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Florian Vanlee
Keyword(s):  
Latin American ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Gender Diversity ◽  
Direct Interaction ◽  
The United States ◽  
Television Industry ◽  
Television Production ◽  
Lgbt Community ◽  
Western European ◽  
And Gender

Queer TV studies have until now focused predominantly on U.S. TV culture, and research into representations of sexual and gender diversity in Western European, Asian, and Latin American programming has only recently found traction. Due to this U.S. focus, queer television in Western Europe has yet to be comprehensively documented in scholarly sources, and Western European queer television studies hardly constitute an emancipated practice. Given that U.S.-focused queer theories of television remain the primary frame of reference to study LGBT+ televisibility in Western Europe, but its domestic small screens comprise a decidedly different institutional context, it is at this time necessary to synthetically assess how the U.S. television industry has given way to specific logics in queer scholarship and whether these logics suit conditions found in domestic television cultures. Queer analyses of U.S. TV programming rightly recognize the presence and form of non-heterosexual and non-cisgender characters and stories as a function of commerce; that is to say, television production in the United States must primarily be profitable, and whether or how the LGBT+ community is represented by popular entertainment is determined by economic factors. The recognition hereof pits queer scholars against the television industry, and the antagonistic approach it invites dissuades them from articulating how TV could do better for LGBT+ people rather than only critiquing what TV currently does wrong. While it is crucial to be attentive toward the power relations reflected and naturalized by television representations, it is also important to recognize that the discretion of prescriptive, normative interventions by queer TV scholars relates to conditions of U.S. television production. The dominance of public service broadcasters (PSBs) and their historical role in spearheading LGBT+ televisibility highlights the distinctive conditions queer TV scholarship is situated in in Western Europe and troubles established modes of engaging the medium. Where the modest scale of national industries already facilitates more direct interaction between academics and TV professionals, PSBs are held to democratic responsibilities on diverse representation and have a history of involving scholars to address and substantiate their pluralistic mission. Consequently, Western European television cultures offer a space to conceive of an agonistic mode of queer TV scholarship, premised not only on contesting what is wrong but also on proposing what would be right. Hence, future engagements with domestic LGBT+ televisibility must look beyond established analytics and explore the value of articulating openly normative propositions about desirable ways of representing sexual and gender diversity.

The Affordable Care Act and abortion

2015 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 52-70
Author(s):  
Deborah R. McFarlane
Keyword(s):  
Western Europe ◽  
Public Funding ◽  
State Level ◽  
The United States ◽  
European Countries ◽  
Cross Sectional ◽  
American States ◽  
Western European ◽  
Cross Sectional Design ◽  
Item Scale

The 2010 Affordable Health Care Act (ACA) treats abortion differently than any other health service, precluding public funding for abortion and imposing other restrictions on American states. To determine whether the ACA’s abortion restrictions are uniquely American or have counterparts in other national health systems, this study employs a cross-sectional design comparing abortion restrictions in the ACA with those in 17 Western European countries. Using a six-item scale, the intensity of abortion restrictions is compared across Western European nations. A similar scale is employed for a five-state sample of state-level abortion restrictions. Although the United States is not alone in having abortion restrictions, how abortion is proscribed in the ACA has no counterpart in Western Europe. Unlike many Western European countries, the ACA’s restrictions focus on abortion funding, not the length of gestation or the health of the pregnant woman.

THE SPECIAL FEATURES OF THE INTERPRETATION OF THE SOCIO-POLITICAL DOCTRINE OF LIBERALISM IN THE WESTERN EUROPEAN, AMERICAN AND RUSSIAN TRADITIONS IN THE 18TH AND 19TH CENTURIES: COMMON AND SPECIAL

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (6) ◽  
pp. 54-62
Author(s):  
VADIM ZUBOV ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
The United States ◽  
The State ◽  
Synthetic Methods ◽  
European American ◽  
The Past ◽  
The World ◽  
Western European ◽  
The Right

The article strives to conceptualize the basic ideas of liberalism, free from political sensitivities, emotional judgments and naive simplifications based on different methods and techniques of political and historical science, as well as general scientific approaches - a comparative historical method, a normative approach, an institutional approach, and analytical and synthetic methods. Defects of the interpretation of liberalism in Russia - opposition of “liberals” and “patriots”, domestic perceptions of liberalism as freedom in family, sexual and gender life, reduction of liberalism to the specific historical direction of post-Soviet liberalism are revealed in the paper. Furthermore, the author draws attention to the misunderstanding of liberalism in the United States: one of them refers liberalism to the social democracy, the other equates liberalism with the totalitarian teachings. In the light of the incorrect perception of liberalism in the world, the author formulates the purpose of the work as overcoming the misjudgement of liberalism by overcoming the false appreciation of liberalism by forming a concentrated view of the fundamentals of liberal socio-political teachings based on the views of leading thinkers in Western Europe, the United States of America and Russia in the 18th and 19th centuries. Which contributed significantly to the development of the fundamentals of liberalism. Predicated on the analysis of the ideas of Western European, American, and Russian liberal thinkers of the past, the author identifies common and special features of the interpretation of liberalism in different parts of the world over two centuries. Finally, the author concludes that the main features of the original liberalism are the basic points of the classical liberalism of the past centuries are the following points: 1) intelligent people should have unconditional personal, political and economic rights independent of the state; 2) there must be a system in the state that promotes justice and limits the state itself; 3) all people have the right to form a state and influences it.

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