scholarly journals Will China’s “Two-child in One Family” Policy to Spur Population Growth Work?

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 36-44
Author(s):  
Fang Lieming

The population problem has always been a fundamental, overall and strategic issue faced by the human society. While China’s family planning policy has promoted China’s economic development and social progress, the “two-child” policy failed to receive satisfactory result. Confronted by China’s low fertility rate, efforts must be done from many aspects to spur population growth: establish the National Population Security Council, strengthen the selection and appointment of population policy makers, strengthen the family values, adopt incentive measures to increase fertility, and so on. The “two-child” policy has been carried out for more than three years, and the policy is still facing the test of time. China’s “two-child” policy is still a transitional policy, and the final solution will be to abandon birth control.

2018 ◽  
pp. 457-466
Author(s):  
Biljana Stankovic

The paper presents the development and transformation of the Czech population policy since the 1950s. It changed from the pronatalist, carried out at a time when the Czech Republic was part of the communist Czechoslovakia, to mostly social in the time of the transition from the 1990s, and the actualization and introduction of new measures in the last decade. The measures that were defined and implemented over a certain period of time represented the state?s response to the family and reproductive behavior of the population, most often reflected in low fertility, largely determined by the current social, economic and cultural conditions. In this sense, the period of the greatest challenges came after 1989, with the transformation of the social and political system and the great economic and social changes that followed, as well as the decline in fertility to an extremely low level. At that time, family policy excluded the pronatalist incentives and benefits and only kept social measures aimed at reducing poverty and alleviating inequalities. Since the early 2000s, new measures have been defined and implemented, motivated by the need to stop and change the declining fertility trend that reached the lowest level (TFR 1.13 in 1999), by looking at the possible negative socio-economic consequences, as well as the recommendations and directives of the European Union, member of which became Czech Republic in 2004. Since 2000, the decline in fertility stopped, TFR reached 1.43 in 2011 and according to data for 2016, it was 1.63 children per woman.


Intersections ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 22-32
Author(s):  
Toto Hermawan ◽  
Nuria Mahdra Fajarini ◽  
Nurni Utami

This study attempts to explain what distribution of opportunities is in accordance with population growth if a family must have sons and evaluate policies based on the data obtained. The distribution of opportunities according to population growth if a family must have sons is a geometric distribution. For n families, the binomial distribution is used to measure the success rate of the government. If the chances of having a baby boy are high, then the chances of the one-child policy will be successful. In addition, the one-child policy in China was a policy implemented during the Deng Xiaoping administration in 1979 until it was finally abolished at the end of 2015. The decision to abolish this policy is of course a very interesting matter because this policy has been implemented for more than three decades and has succeeded in driving economic growth and improving the standard of living of the Chinese people. After more than three decades of implementation, various social and economic impacts have been felt by China as a result of the one-child policy. The low fertility rate in China, the imbalance of the sex ratio, and the aging population are new problems facing China because of the implementation of this policy. Taking into account these effects, the Chinese government officially abolished the one-child policy and implemented a new policy that allows every couple in China to have two children


2020 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Takahiro Nishimura

PurposeSince 1974, Japan's total fertility rate has been constantly below replacement level. The purpose of this paper is to focus on Japan's low fertility issue and countermeasures that were adopted, in order to explore the reasons why the countermeasures were unable to solve the problem?Design/methodology/approachThe paper analyzes both the historical changes and the current situation of Japan's countermeasures. It also focuses on how in Japan marriage behavior and couples' fertility behavior changed during the implementation of the countermeasures from both objective and subjective perspectives. Based on results of the analysis, the paper explores the inherent problems regarding the countermeasures.FindingsThe paper shows that there is no sign that Japan's low fertility could be overcome, and puts forward three problems regarding the countermeasures. The paper suggests paying greater attention to the contradictions in the current policies and to go beyond the field of family policy and population policy to consider the following questions from a more macro perspective: (1) how to make fertility more desirable and meaningful and (2) how to encourage the related social systems to promote people's spontaneity both in marriage and childbearing.Originality/valueThe paper uses the latest data and focuses on analyzing the countermeasures from a more macro perspective rather than discussing specific problems of the countermeasures. Based on both objective data and subjective views and, given the characteristics of Japanese society, the paper explores in depth the problems regarding the countermeasures. By improving empirical knowledge, the paper seeks to contribute more generally to low fertility countries' “fertility revival”.


2019 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 387-403 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shixiong Wang ◽  
Yu Song

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to use Weibo as a window to examine the Chinese netizens’ online attitudes and responses to two sets of population policy: the Selective Two-Child Policy (Phase 2) and the Universal Two-Child Policy. The population policy change from the rigid One-Child Policy to the Selective Two-Child Policy then to the Universal Two-Child Policy aroused great attention of the Chinese people. Design/methodology/approach This research uses the crawler technique to extract data on the Sina Weibo platform. Through opinion mining of Weibo posts on two sets of population policy, the Weibo users’ online opinions on the Two-Child Policy are analyzed from two perspectives: their attention intensity and sentiment tendency. The research also use the State Bureau of Statistics of China’s national population data between 2011 and 2016 to examine the Chinese people’s actual birth behaviors after implementing the two different sets of the Two-Child Policy. Findings The research findings indicate that the Selective Two-Child Policy (Phase 2) and the Universal Two-Child Policy are good examples of thematic public sphere of Weibo. Weibo posts on the two sets of the Two-Child Policy have undergone different opinion cycles. People from economically developed regions and populous regions have paid more attention to both sets of Two-Child Policy than their counterparts in the less developed and less populated regions. Men pay more attention to the Two-Child Policy than women do. Despite people’s huge attention to the new population policy, the population growth after the policy is not sustainable. Research limitations/implications The new population policy alone is difficult to boost China’s population within a short period of time. The Chinese Government must provide its people with enough incentives and supporting welfare to make the population growth happen. Originality/value These findings have important implications for understanding the dynamics of online opinion formation and changing population policy in China.


1993 ◽  
Vol 32 (4I) ◽  
pp. 411-431
Author(s):  
Hans-Rimbert Hemmer

The current rapid population growth in many developing countries is the result of an historical process in the course of which mortality rates have fallen significantly but birthrates have remained constant or fallen only slightly. Whereas, in industrial countries, the drop in mortality rates, triggered by improvements in nutrition and progress in medicine and hygiene, was a reaction to economic development, which ensured that despite the concomitant growth in population no economic difficulties arose (the gross national product (GNP) grew faster than the population so that per capita income (PCI) continued to rise), the drop in mortality rates to be observed in developing countries over the last 60 years has been the result of exogenous influences: to a large degree the developing countries have imported the advances made in industrial countries in the fields of medicine and hygiene. Thus, the drop in mortality rates has not been the product of economic development; rather, it has occurred in isolation from it, thereby leading to a rise in population unaccompanied by economic growth. Growth in GNP has not kept pace with population growth: as a result, per capita income in many developing countries has stagnated or fallen. Mortality rates in developing countries are still higher than those in industrial countries, but the gap is closing appreciably. Ultimately, this gap is not due to differences in medical or hygienic know-how but to economic bottlenecks (e.g. malnutrition, access to health services)


Author(s):  
Timo Fleckenstein ◽  
Soohyun Christine Lee

The welfare states of Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan were built by conservative elites to serve the project of late industrialization, and for this reason the East Asian developmental welfare state focused its resources on those who were deemed most important for economic development (especially male industrial workers). Starting in the 1990s and increasingly since the 2000s, the developmental welfare state has experienced a far-reaching transformation, including the expansion of family policy to address the post-industrial challenges of female employment participation and low fertility. This chapter assesses social investment policies in East Asia, with a focus on family policy and on the South Korean case, where the most comprehensive rise of social investment policies were observed.


2020 ◽  
Vol 214 ◽  
pp. 03028
Author(s):  
Haibing Liu ◽  
Lei Yang

The concept of Leading Innovation is tentatively defined from four dimensions: Value, Attitude, Effect and Driving (VERD). The value orientation of innovation-leading is beyond the satisfaction of enterprises’ own interests and values. It is committed to the dual balance between enterprises’ own interests and the promotion of social interests, and attaches more importance to the realization of their own interests during the process of promoting social progress. Leading Innovation leads innovation to a higher level, which requires a stronger sense of social responsibility as the guidance, in an innovative way to “guide, leading” the choice and implementation of corporate strategy, so as to achieve positive interaction between the value of enterprise benefits and social value, promote the progress of human society; In addition to building sustainable competitive advantages of enterprises, the effect of innovation-leading is more important because of its contribution to industrial technology and social progress; The driving force of innovation is innovation culture.


2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 106-124
Author(s):  
Roslyn Fraser Schoen

This research examines the gendered consequences of the international low-fertility agenda, as it has been realized in an era of a globalized labor market, by documenting some of the ways that families in rural Bangladesh have shifted filial responsibilities between daughters and sons. Such shifts are occurring in a context of new demographic and economic realities that have been largely shaped by national policies and pressure from international organizations. Using qualitative interview data, this study examines how, in the context of declining family size, male labor migration, and increasing life expectancy, women and girls are expected to take on a larger share of filial responsibilities. While sons’ responsibilities narrow to include economic contributions through wage earning and remittances, expectations for daughters are expanding and may include earning a wage, as well as caring for both natal and marital relatives. This paper also seeks to problematize the conflation of fertility decline, poverty reduction, and women’s well-being by arguing that women’s empowerment is not a natural result of smaller families.


Author(s):  
Jung-ok Ha

South Korea's total fertility rate (TFR) in 2005 was 1.08, the lowest in the world. The government launched the National Support Program for Infertile Couples (“the Program”) in 2006 which expenditures for diverse assisted reproductive treatments are subsidized. This chapter seeks to critique three aspects of the Program. First, the Program is a population policy that has not kept up with changes in family values and practices. Second, the Program’s very implementation has created demand, ‘those diagnosed as infertile’ have become ‘infertile members of the population’. Lastly, the Program has resulted in a meaningful increase in the number of in vitro fertilization treatments, and this increase has negatively impacted the health of women and children. Reproduction has always been a field for political struggle, and political imagination-created reproduction is revealed most strikingly when reproduction becomes a “population problem”. South Korea’s National Family Planning Project was brought by the Park Chung-hee government, which emphasized the value of the “modern family,” specifically, “Modernization of the Fatherland,” as part of economic development in the 1970s. The low fertility rate that South Korea is now facing is considered a national crisis and the Program represents the government’s will to solve the crisis through medical technologies. However, the bodies of women are still considered objects in TFR statistics, much as they were in the 1970s. This has led to a situation in which the health and even the lives of women are being endangered once again


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