scholarly journals The Status of Democratic Developmental State in Ethiopia: Is It Rolling Back or Rolling Forward?

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 124-147
Author(s):  
Teklie Tesfamariam Berhe

The Democratic Developmental State (DDS) model was attempted during the tenure of the Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front’s (EPRDF) in Ethiopia. In this paper, an effort has been made hence to explore some economic blessings and political curses incurred, cases for launching and now terminating DDS, and the reform-led changes and continuities in the political economy of Ethiopia. In doing so, the researcher has depended on a qualitative approach and in-depth content analysis of secondary data sources. The finding revealed that the ideological confrontations and lusts for power coupled with the fragile institutional and structural profiles of the EPRDF-led government have precipitated the abortion of the embryonic DDS. Indeed, in the pursuit of DDS, a trade-off between promoting democracy and achieving economic development has remained at a tolerable cost. In consequence, protracted popular grievances against the unequal distribution of benefits have been accompanied by paving the birth of a new leadership submissive to the Neo-Liberal recipes. Now, the state seems as it goes to start from scratch despite some belief that the new leadership appears to regurgitate the footsteps of its predecessor EPRDF rebranding the infamous legacy. It has been found that the reformist part of the government has been facing coordination problems to materialize the political and economic reforms. To this effect, early costs of the beginnings of the reform have been encountered. For that reason, the researcher suggests that the incumbent government should constitutionally and inclusively overcome the state-wide leadership crisis to ensure positive synergy.

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (11) ◽  
Author(s):  
Amalia Syauket

Pilkada after pilkada continue to roll and are still dwelling on the same pattern of problems from the previous Pilkada which actually experienced a significant increase in the journey of regional heads who came from the Political Dynasty. When viewed by gender, in the 2020 Simultaneous Pilkada it can be seen that 57 women = 10.7%, of which 29 are female candidates who are wives of the previous regional head. This qualitative research prioritizes secondary data sources with 4M writing techniques, namely Describing, Analyzing, Concluding and Describing the phenomenon of Airin Rachmy Diany as Mayor of South Tangerang, Ana Sophanah as Regent of Indramayu and Haryanti as Regent of Kediri who are in the vortex of political dynasties & oligarchy, with big questions. Is this a form of participation or exploitation? Based on this phenomenon, it can be concluded that both Airin Rachmy Diany and Ana Sophanah and also Haryanti have been exploited by oligarchs who are in-laws, or husbands in order to strengthen political dynasties and oligarchic networks in their respective regions, rather than in the form of political participation themselves. As a Regional Head, he is exploited for the defense industry his power is also correlated with the defense of wealth which makes him not independent in running the wheels of government in the region. The influence of male masculinity or family power still prevails in the government even if the position of the wife or daughter is higher than that of her father or husband as members of ordinary society.


2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (01) ◽  
Author(s):  
Chittaranjan Nayak ◽  
Prasanta Patri

Proper sanitation, hygiene and cleanliness are some of the key indicators of quality of life. The present paper attempts to study the status of sanitation in rural Odisha and explore its determinants. The paper is based on both primary as well as secondary data. The relative position of districts in rural sanitation is analysed with help of census data. The analysis observes that there is a significant regional divide in ‘access to toilets’ across the districts of Odisha. The backward districts are lying way below the relatively advanced coastal districts of the state. Moreover, for an investigation at a disaggregated level, we had taken 109 households from a village cluster for a case study. The study observes that caste category, occupation and government subsidy are the important factors influencing the sanitary practices of the study areas. The paper advocates for continuance of government subsidy with better targeting, and a massive awareness drive by the government to change the sordid state of open defecation in the state.


2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Deepti Kakar ◽  
Madan Mohan Maheshwari

Even after nearly seven decades of Independence, poverty alleviation remains a sought after goal in the political and academic agenda. Efforts at reducing poverty especially the rural poverty have broadly been either disguised in the application of economic planning or have taken the route of poverty alleviation schemes. The successes and misses of these schemes are significant in understanding the next step to poverty reduction. This paper discusses all the centrally sponsored poverty alleviation programmes for the rural India in the decade of 1970s and beyond. Also the evaluation studies for each of these schemes conducted by the government bodies or at their behest have been summarized. The study feeds on secondary data sources and qualitatively puts forward value judgements in context of aiding the compilation of the said schemes.


2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 313-328
Author(s):  
Fathul Aminudin Aziz

Fines are sanctions or punishments that are applied in the form of the obligation to pay a sum of money imposed on the denial of a number of agreements previously agreed upon. There is debate over the status of fines in Islamic law. Some argue that fines may not be used, and some argue that they may be used. In the context of fines for delays in payment of taxes, in fiqh law it can be analogous to ta'zir bi al-tamlīk (punishment for ownership). This can be justified if the tax obligations have met the requirements. Whereas according to Islamic teachings, fines can be categorized as acts in order to obey government orders as taught in the hadith, and in order to contribute to the realization of mutual benefit in the life of the state. As for the amount of the fine, the government cannot arbitrarily determine fines that are too large to burden the people. Penalties are applied as a message of reprimand and as a means to cover the lack of the state budget.


Author(s):  
Benjamin A. Schupmann

Chapter 2 reinterprets Schmitt’s concept of the political. Schmitt argued that Weimar developments, especially the rise of mass movements politically opposed to the state and constitution, demonstrated that the state did not have any sort of monopoly over the political, contradicting the arguments made by predominant Weimar state theorists, such as Jellinek and Meinecke. Not only was the political independent of the state, Schmitt argued, but it could even be turned against it. Schmitt believed that his contemporaries’ failure to recognize the nature of the political prevented them from adequately responding to the politicization of society, inadvertently risking civil war. This chapter reanalyzes Schmitt’s political from this perspective. Without ignoring enmity, it argues that Schmitt also defines the political in terms of friendship and, importantly, “status par excellence” (the status that relativizes other statuses). It also examines the relationship between the political and Schmitt’s concept of representation.


2014 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 23
Author(s):  
Tawanda Zinyama ◽  
Joseph Tinarwo

Public administration is carried out through the public service. Public administration is an instrument of the State which is expected to implement the policy decisions made from the political and legislative processes. The rationale of this article is to assess the working relationships between ministers and permanent secretaries in the Government of National Unity in Zimbabwe. The success of the Minister depends to a large degree on the ability and goodwill of a permanent secretary who often has a very different personal or professional background and whom the minster did not appoint. Here lies the vitality of the permanent secretary institution. If a Minister decides to ignore the advice of the permanent secretary, he/she may risk of making serious errors. The permanent secretary is the key link between the democratic process and the public service. This article observed that the mere fact that the permanent secretary carries out the political, economic and social interests and functions of the state from which he/she derives his/her authority and power; and to which he/she is accountable,  no permanent secretary is apolitical and neutral to the ideological predisposition of the elected Ministers. The interaction between the two is a political process. Contemporary administrator requires complex team-work and the synthesis of diverse contributions and view-points.


Author(s):  
Luana Faria Medeiros

POLITICAL GEOGRAPHY AND THE MINERAL SECTOR: the legislative propositions that impact the management of the territories with mining in the state of Pará – 2011 to 2016GEOGRAFÍA POLÍTICA Y EL SECTOR MINERO: las proposiciones legislativas que impactan la gestión de los territorios con la minería en el estado de Pará – 2011 a 2016O presente trabalho tem o objetivo de resgatar o campo da política na Geografia, no contexto da atividade mineral no estado do Pará, principalmente diante de vários entendimentos de que os conflitos de interesses nas sociedades e nos territórios se resolvem também pelo viés político; partindo de uma leitura teórica do conceito de território, poder e política, onde essa tríade será determinante para o entendimento das proposições legislativas dos anos de 2011 a 2016 voltadas para a mineração, e da análise da gestão política e territorial no setor mineral paraense e seus impactos na sociedade a partir das políticas públicas. A relevância da pesquisa está no aspecto político que envolve a tomada de decisão que é essencialmente importante nas relações sociais de poder do Governo do Estado do Pará que, materializadas, causam impactos no território com mineração, sobretudo na utilização da taxa mineral, instrumento regulador de ação no território.Palavras-chave: Território; Poder; Política; Mineração.ABSTRACTThe present work aims to redeem the field of politics in geography, in the context of the mineral activity in the state of Pará, mainly faced with various understanding that conflicts of interests in societies and territories also resolve by bias Political; Starting from a theoretical reading of the concept of territory, power and politics, where this triad will be decisive for the understanding of the legislative propositions of the years of 2011 to 2016 focused on mining, and the analysis of the political and territorial management in the mineral sector Pará and Its impacts on society from public Policy. The relevance of the research is in the political aspect which involves the decision making which is essentially important in the social relations of the Government of the state of Pará that, materialized, cause impacts on the territory with mining, especially in the use of the mineral rate, Action-regulating instrument in the territory.Keywords: Territory; Power; Policy; Mining.RESUMEN El presente trabajo pretende redimir el campo de la política en geografía, en el contexto de la actividad minera en el estado de Pará, frente principalmente a diversos entendimientos de que los conflictos de intereses en sociedades y territorios también se resuelven por sesgo Política. A partir de una lectura teórica del concepto de territorio, poder y política, donde esta tríada será decisiva para la comprensión de las proposiciones legislativas de los años de 2011 a 2016 se centró en la minería, y el análisis de la gestión política y territorial en el sector minero de Pará y Sus impactos en la sociedad de la política pública. La relevancia de la investigación está en el aspecto político que implica la toma de decisiones que es esencialmente importante en las relaciones sociales del gobierno del estado de Pará que, materializadas, causan impactos en el territorio con la minería, especialmente en el uso de la tasa mineral, Instrumento de regulación de la acción en el territorio.Palabras clave: Territorio; Poder; Política; Minería.


Author(s):  
Mosgan Situmorang

<p>Dalam Undang-Undang Nomor 16 Tahun 2011 tentang Bantuan Hukum dikatakan bahwa pemberi bantuan hukum adalah lembaga bantuan hukum atau organisasi kemasyarakatan yang memberi layanan bantuan hukum. Jasa hukum yang diberikan kepada penerima bantuan hukum adalah cuma-cuma, dalam ar Ɵ mereka Ɵ dak mendapat upah dari pihak yang dibantunya, namun pemerintah akan memberikan dana bantuan untuk se Ɵ ap kasus yang ditangani yang besarnya disesuaikan dengan jenis kasusnya. Dana bantuan tersebut memang Ɵ dak akan diberikan kepada semua organisasi bantuan hukum, tetapi hanya kepada organisasi bantuan hukum yang sudah memenuhi syarat sesuai dengan Undang-Undang Bantuan Hukum. Karena dana tersebut berasal dari Anggaran Pendapatan dan Belanja Negara, maka tentu saja akuntabilitas organisasi bantuan hukum yang menerima dana tersebut harus dapat dipertanggung jawaban kepada masyarakat. Tulisan ini adalah berupa kajian norma Ɵ f, dengan demikian data yang digunakan adalah data sekunder berupa bahan primer yakni peraturan perundang undangan, utamanya Undang-Undang Nomor 16 Tahun 2011 dan undang- undang lain yang terkait serta bahan sekunder berupa bahan kepustakaan dan data dari internet. Dalam peneli Ɵ an ini disimpulkan bahwa Undang- Undang Bantuan Hukum sudah dapat mengan Ɵ sipasi perlunya akuntabilitas organisasi bantuan hukum tapi masih perlu di Ɵ ngkatkan dengan cara membuat aturan-aturan yang mendukung terciptanya akuntabilitas tersebut terutama peraturan mengenai standar bantuan hukum.</p><p>In Law No. 16 Year 2011 regarding Legal Aid, stated that legal aid provider is a legal aid organiza Ɵ on or community organiza Ɵ ons that provide legal aid services. Legal services provided by the legal aid organiza Ɵ on is free in the sense that they do not get paid from those who helped. However, the government will provide fi nancial assistance for each case handled that amount is in accordance with the type of case. The grant is not given to all legal aid organiza Ɵ ons but only to a legal aid organiza Ɵ on that has been quali fi ed in accordance with the Legal Aid Act. Because these funds come from the state budget of course accountability of legal aid organiza Ɵ ons receiving funds must be able to be an answer to the public. This paper is a norma Ɵ ve review, thus the data used are secondary data from the primary material i.e laws and regula Ɵ ons, especially Law No. 16 of 2011 and other laws related and secondary materials in the form of the literature and data from the internet.This study concluded that the Legal Aid Act was able to an Ɵ cipate the need for accountability of legal aid organiza Ɵ ons but it is need to be improved by making rules that favor the crea Ɵ on of accountability mainly standard rules regarding legal aid.</p>


2016 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 72-78
Author(s):  
Efraim Kambu

Special Autonomy assigns its rights and obligations to local governments to regulate and manage their own affairs and interests of the society so that people increasingly can be served well. But in fact, public services provided is not maximized. This study used qualitative methods, data sources are divided into two types of data sources, namely primary and secondary data sources. The results of this study indicate that there is still lack of public services the Government of Papua Province visible from the weak aspects of responsiveness, which local governments less responsive to some of the problems in the field of education, economy and industry growth and physical development as well as non-physical. From the aspect of responsibility is also still found their weaknesses, which the Government of Papua Province is still not fully overcome the problems of corruption and poverty. Meanwhile, from the aspect of accountability, it is known that the performance of governance in Papua in providing public services are not running optimally, one reason is the lack of competence and capability of local government officials.


2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Lusia Handayani ◽  
Munawar K. Nahrawi

<p>Food is the fundamental right of every human being. Communities or nations that are not satisfied with food sufficiency will have the potential to cause economic instability and even to bring down a government. Dependence on rice as a staple food can threaten economic and political stability when food is not adequately covered. One alternative that can be made to avoid the threat is to switch to other carbohydrates-based foods that grow in Indonesia, including sweet potato, cassava, arrowroot, and ganyong. However, those local food variety is still considered as second-class food, due to the persistence to rice-eating culture. Therefore, there is a necessity to create a local food campaign on internet media. The Internet is now growing into a medium capable to reach all kinds of people in a quick and precise manner. This descriptive study uses secondary data such as books and journals related to state defense and food security. The study finds that the use of internet as a medium for local food campaign to the community has not been implemented optimally, both by the government and non-government. In line with the rapid development of the internet and the importance of defending the country in all aspects, local food campaigns through internet media require the participation of all stakeholders.</p><p align="left"> </p><strong>Keywords</strong>: defending of the state, local food campaign, internet


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