scholarly journals Central Council of Ukraine: Introduction to Foreign Policy Activity

2018 ◽  
pp. 31-44
Author(s):  
Vladyslav Verstiuk

The article describes the time when after the fall of autocracy in the Russian Empire, the power was taken by the Central Council of Ukraine emerged in Kyiv. The fall of autocracy gave a chance for change, the newly formed Provisional Government declared its inclination to renewal and democratization processes. Ukrainians enthusiastically met the revolution. The Central Council of Ukraine emerged in Kyiv to head the national liberation movement. It based the political strategy on the slogan of gaining national-territorial autonomy of Ukraine in the Federal Democratic Republic of Russia. The strength of the federalist-autonomous model was that in the First World War it made it possible to legitimately put the “Ukrainian question” to the Provisional Government and the Russian political elite without being accused of separatism. Signing of the Brest Peace Treaty testified to the success of young non-professional Ukrainian diplomacy. This was the first earnest act of the UPR on the international scene. However, given the circumstances Ukraine experienced, it had small effect. The difference could have been made only by a third-party military aid from countries of the Fourth Alliance, which later resulted in the occupation of Ukrainian lands. Unfortunately, it turned into the occupation of Ukrainian lands. The weakest side of the Central Council was its Foreign policy. It was started with a considerable delay, it was a late reaction to the actions of the Bolsheviks. As a result, the Central Council failed to achieve recognition among the Entente countries, and a peace treaty with the Fourth Alliance in the long run, after the end of the World War, compromised Ukrainian statehood in the eyes of the victors. The author emphasizes that wartime occupations acquire take the form of colonial exploitation and subordination regimes, which is clearly illustrated by the Central Powers’ presence in Ukraine in 1918. It is also concluded that the Central Council, willing to rescue Ukraine from one disaster, brought it new challenges. Keywords: Central Council, General Secretariat, Ukraine, occupation, international scene, Brest Peace Treaty, Fourth Alliance.

2018 ◽  
pp. 12-19
Author(s):  
Sergii Pyvovar

The topic of study is important due to the expediency of drawing the attention of historians to the facts showing that separated Peace Treaty between the Ukrainian People’s Republic and the states of the Fourth Alliance was a strategic defeat of Ukraine. The Bolshevik October coup of 1917 created a unique opportunity for Ukraine to become an independent state. The solution to this problem rested in hands of people and nation leaders of Ukraine in extremely tough and crucial times. However, no talented strategists assessed Ukraine’s position from the point of view of the state prospects and off ered the right historical choice. Not wishing to support the “imperialist” plans of the Entente, sheltering behind demagogic slogans of universal peace, the socialist leaders of the Ukrainian Central Council decided, it would be better to withdraw Ukraine from the war ensuring stability and peace in its territory. Under such circumstance the Ukrainian People’s Republic signed a separate peace treaty with the states of the Fourth Alliance and in fact became its ally. Consequently, the Entente started treating Ukraine as a country of a hostile camp and corresponding policy was pursued at the Paris Peace Conference. The fatal decision led to the future loss of national statehood of Ukraine, which in the historical perspective had tragic consequences to the Ukrainian people. Our study in a long run calls for a thorough historical analysis of all circumstances associated with a change in foreign policy of the Ukrainian Central Council and its consequences, critical rethinking of past experience in connection with current problems of the implementation of Ukraine’s foreign policy, as well as consideration of mistakes and miscalculations of the diplomatic struggle.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 143-162
Author(s):  
Yaroslav Popenko ◽  
Ihor Sribnyak

The main tendencies of the development of the Kingdom of Romania during the First World War were analysed in this article. The stages of the diplomatic negotiations of the Romanian government with the countries of the Central Bloc and the Entente during 1914–1918 years are considered. Bucharest managed to take advantage of its own diplomatic balancing during the war, which was squeezed between the two military-political blocs. Thanks to its foreign policy strategy, the Romanian government had retained its sovereign right to the development and the acceptance of the most important decisions, and those which were touched of the upholding of the national interests of the state. Moreover, Romania managed to significantly expand its borders, which was possible due to the crisis and the destruction that was passed through Austria-Hungary and the Russian Empire during 1917-1918 years. In the context of the foreign policy strategy of the kingdom during the World War, the «Bessarabian question» is partially covered and which role it played in the realization of the project of the creation of «Great Romania» by Bucharest. In addition, the certain reasons of the signing, the content and the consequences of the Bucharest peace treaty of 1918 year for the alignment of the forces in the Central European region at the final stage of the war were characterized. Ultimately, the authors state that the diplomatic balancing of the Romanian political leadership during the World War gave it the opportunity to gradually but steadily realize the project of the expansion of the state borders at the expense of the contiguous territories.


Skhid ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 36-44
Author(s):  
Yaroslav POPENKO ◽  
Ihor SRIBNYAK ◽  
Natalia YAKOVENKO ◽  
Viktor MATVIYENKO

The article covers the course of negotiations between the plenipotentiaries of Romania and the leading states of the Entente and the Quadruple Alliance during the First World War. Facing the dilemma of determining its own foreign policy orientation – by joining one of the mentioned military-political blocs, the Romanian government was hesitating for a long time to come to a final decision. At the same time, largely due to this balancing process, official Bucharest managed to preserve its sovereign right to work out and make the most important decisions, while consistently defending Romania's national interests. By taking the side of the Entente and receiving comprehensive military assistance from Russia, Romania at the same time faced enormous military and political problems due to military superiority of the allied Austrian and German forces at the Balkan theater of hostilities. Their occupation of much of Romania forced official Bucharest to seek an alternative, making it sign a separate agreement with the Central Block states. At the same time, its ratification was being delayed in every possible way, which enabled Romania to return to the camp of war winners at the right time. At the same time, official Bucharest made the most of the decline and liquidation of imperial institutions in Russia and Austria-Hungary at the final stage of the First World War, incorporating vast frontier territories into the Kingdom. Taking advantage of the revolutionary events in Russia, the Romanian government succeeded, in particular, in resolving the “Bessarabian problem” in its favor. In addition, Romania included Transylvania, Bukovina and part of Banat. An important foreign policy achievement of Romanian diplomacy was signing of the 1918 Bucharest Peace Treaty, as well as its participation in the Paris Peace Conference.


Author(s):  
Enrico Milano

The present chapter provides an extensive analysis of the main foreign policy issues arising for Italy out of the 1947 Peace Treaty—namely the question of South Tyrol, the Free Territory of Trieste and Italy’s Trusteeship over Somalia—and how these issues were dealt with by the Italian international law doctrine. The chapter also deals with the doctrinal debates ensuing from the proliferation of international organizations, including regional ones in the European continent. The analysis shows that Italian authors produced an impressive bulk of literature engaging directly with the major international law issues resulting from the end of World War II; the conclusion reached is that international lawyers were active participants in the national political effort to become a fully fledged, responsible member of the international community and contributed to the understanding of the novel process of European integration as an antidote against conflict and hostilities in the European continent.


Modern Italy ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 161-176
Author(s):  
Andrea Ungari

Soon after the Second World War and the signing of the 1947 Peace Treaty, Italy was faced with the traumatic loss of its African colonial Empire, an Empire whose establishment had been one of the main objectives of the Fascist regime's foreign policy. This article analyses Anglo-Italian relations in the Somalian context, highlighting the contributions made by Fascism and by the anti-Italian policies of British troops to the tensions that were to lead to the tragic events of January 1948. Attention is focused on the diplomatic mission carried out by Umberto Zanotti Bianco, President of the Italian Red Cross, an important figure in Italian Liberalism. Zanotti Bianco was conscious of the need for Italy to rejoin the ‘club’ of democratic powers and, in accordance with the diplomatic strategy of Foreign Minister Carlo Sforza, he sought to reopen dialogue between Britain and Italy. The dispute between Italy and Britain brought about by the Mogadishu events and, more generally, by the Italian presence in Africa was soon brought to a close, due both to Zanotti Bianco's shrewd strategy and to the clear need for the Western Allies to strengthen De Gasperi's government on the eve of the decisive April 1948 elections.


Author(s):  
Muhammad Khalis Ibrahim ◽  
Mohd Roslan Mohd Nor

Turkey-Israel relations were established after the Second World War. However, the relations were fluctuating during Erdoğan era. This study focuses on Turkey-Israel bilateral relations during Erdoğan era by scrutinize on the fluctuation and factors that influence it. This study was conducted based on documentation method through content analysis and comparative analysis. During Erdoğan era, Strategic Depth doctrine became a basic principle for Turkey’s foreign policy. Changes of foreign policy from national security-based to more regional-based affected Turkey-Israel relations. At first, the relations were going well in trade, military, resources and diplomacy. However, some of Israel's violation towards universal values such as military operations in Gaza led its relations with Turkey to become tense. The peak of crisis reached as Israeli forces attacked Turkish Mavi Marmara ship which carrying humanitarian missions to Gaza. This study found that the fluctuation of Turkey-Israel relations was influenced by Turkey's and Israel’s domestics as well as regional factors, where regional factors played a major role in the pattern of the relations. Although Turkey-Israel relations have been restored through a peace treaty in 2016, crisis of relations may reoccur based on current developments. Turkey-Israel bilateral relations will continue to fluctuate along with future developments.


2018 ◽  
Vol 69 (1) ◽  
pp. 83-129 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wiktor Hołubko ◽  
Adam Lityński

Revolution of 1917 in the Russian Empire took place in February (according to the Julian calendar) or in March (according to the Georgian calendar used in Western Europe). As a result, Tsar Nicholas II of Russia abdicated in the first phase of the revolution which caused the fall of the Romanov dynasty. Consequently, the Provisional Government was brought into power. At the time, the First World War was ongoing and Russia suffered severe defeats in the conflict. The country was ruled by chaos and various political groupswere fighting against each other. Furthermore, many nations started their fight for independence from the Russian Empire. The most significant events took place in Ukraine. The national activists set up their own governmental authority – Central Council of Ukraine. And, at the same time, various domestic conflicts took place in Ukraine as well. The situation was very complicated then as a 600 kilometer-long front line ran across Ukraine.Moreover, most of the country was occupied by German and Austria-Hungarian armies. It is common knowledge that the Bolsheviks led their forces against the Provisional Government in Petrograd, which was the contemporary capital of Russia (modern-day Saint Petersburg), in October / November 1917. The Bolsheviks seized power in Russia and, in consequence, the Russian Civil War started. The Bolsheviks were in no position to continue fighting in World War I and so they signed a separate peace treaty with Germany and Austria-Hungary in March 1918 in order to focus on the Russian Civil War. Ukraine, which was independent at the time, also signeda separate peace treaty with Germany and Austria-Hungary. A new phase in the war between Russia and Ukraine started which Ukraine eventually lost.


2018 ◽  
pp. 53-61
Author(s):  
V. S. Lavrenko ◽  
M. M. Tkachenko

The article analyzes the memories of Y. I. Kirsch, a Russian soldier who got into German captivity, and E. E. Dwinger, a German junior officer who was captured by Russians. The author raises the question of common and distinctive features in the images of the “enemy” created in the memoirs of these memoirists. Transformation in the perception of a military enemy in the experience of captivity is being considered. The issue of reconciliation and finding an understanding with the “enemy” was studied. The author comes to the conclusion that at the time of capturing both Russian and German soldiers had extremely negative images of the “enemy”. These images were constructed by state propaganda, which dehumanized a military enemy. The prisoners of war expected extreme cruelties from the “enemy”, but these expectations were not approved. Extreme experience of captivity focused on the negative aspects of life in Germany and the Russian Empire. This was reflected in the memoirs of Y. I. Kirch and E. E. Dwinger. But both memoirists noted that the “enemy” in the crowd behaved ruthlessly, while on a personal level, he was often ready to help prisoners of war, to show mercy. Despite the negative attitude to the “enemy”, both in Russia and in Germany, there was a cohabitation of prisoners of war with local women. In Germany, ordinary Germans congratulated prisoners of war on its’ end. In Russia with the beginning of the revolution, German prisoners of war received an invitation to join the White Movement. These facts are manifestations of partial reconciliation of prisoners of war with the “enemy”. With regard to the difference in the design of the enemy's image, German memoirs show more cultural reflections on the national character and the mission of the Russians. Memoirs of the Russian on the contrary emphasize the way of life and order that prevailed in the camp for the prisoners of war. The study of the experience of transforming the enemy's image during the First World War is relevant in the context of a modern information confrontation, which inevitably complements military conflicts.


2019 ◽  
pp. 25-52
Author(s):  
Pavlo Hai-Nyzhnyk

The article describes the geopolitical position of the Ukrainian State since the proclamation of P. Skoropadsky as Hetman of all Ukraine until the ousting of the Hetmanate in 1918. It is noted that the beginning of this period is the end of the First World War. Germany, which was an ally of the Ukrainian State, provided its troops to protect it from the Bolsheviks, is defeated. In this regard, there were a number of challenges in the foreign policy of the Hetmanate. The Ukrainian State is forced to look for ways to establish ties with the Entente countries. The author states that first agreements were concluded with neutral states, though it was planned to establish diplomatic relations with the Entente countries. To implement this, reliance was placed on the Ukrainian Embassy in Berlin. However, later this process took place through the mediation of the French Consul E. Enno in the Romanian city of Iași. The author examines the role of I. Korostovets in the implementation of Ukrainian diplomacy. The article provides an insight into the events that took place within the country. There was a confrontation between representatives of different parties and members of the government. The question of the need to change the legal and state status of the country and its foreign policy orientation put the country and its political elite on the brink of a split. It is analyzed the real reasons for the publication of the letters of the Hetman and their impact on internal and external challenges. The author highlights the influence of the Directorate on the external relations of the country. Following its arrival in power, it became known that one of the main goals of the Directorate was to capture Kyiv as soon as possible for the final overthrow of the hetman’s power and proclamation of the UPR with the Directorate at its head before the entire world. Keywords: Hetmanate, Entente, Directorate, Ukrainian diplomacy, Ukrainian statehood, confrontation.


Author(s):  
Hanna Perekhoda

After the Russian Revolution of February 1917, the definition of the Ukrainian territory became an important issue. One of the major controversies concerned the territorial affiliation of the eastern part of the country, a highly industrialised region located halfway between the Russian core and the Ukrainian periphery of the empire. This article focuses on the split within the Bolshevik Party between supporters of Donbass belonging to Ukraine and defenders of a Donets-Krivoi Rog republic attached to Russia. We show that this was not so much an ideological conflict between the "pro-Russians" and the "pro-Ukrainians" as it was a difference of views on the military and political strategy to be implemented in order to preserve the gains of the revolution and make its expansion possible. Moscow's decision to support the project of a Soviet Ukraine, thereby ruling out any possibility of separation of its eastern region, can be explained both by the desire to solve immediate problems (circumventing the provisions of a peace treaty, strengthening control over local Soviet institutions) and by the search for long-term solutions (advancing the world revolution, guaranteeing the stability of a multiethnic state that emerged from the disintegration of the Russian Empire).


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document