Verfassungsreferendum zur Verkleinerung des italienischen Parlaments. Zur Wirkung eines Meinungsklimas aus tiefsitzendem Misstrauen und populistischem Groll

2021 ◽  
Vol 52 (1) ◽  
pp. 108-124
Author(s):  
Günther Pallaver
Keyword(s):  
Historical Background ◽  
The Political ◽  
Election Result ◽  
Members Of Parliament ◽  
Clear Result ◽  
High Level

In a 2020 constitutional referendum on the 20th and 21st of September 2020, Italians voted to reduce the number of members of parliament from 945 to 600 . With a turnout of 51 percent, 70 percent voted in favor of this proposal . The article describes the historical background, the process that led to the referendum as well as the election result and its consequences . The main focus is on the question of why this referendum produced such a clear result . The thesis is that this high level of approval came about because the climate of opinion had been on the side of those in favor of reducing the size of parliament for years . This climate of opinion is the result of decades of debate about and against the political “casta”, which led citizens to more and more lose trust in parties and parliament until even the parties agreed to the reduction . The opponents’ attempt to tilt this climate of opinion shortly before the vote in order to mobilize a majority against the downsizing of parliament was bound to fail because of the long-cemented opinion on the issue .

L'année 1977 pour les immigrés

Res Publica ◽  
1978 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 329-339
Author(s):  
Michel Taverne ◽  
Albert Martens
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Immigration Policy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Foreign Workers ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Active Population ◽  
Members Of Parliament ◽  
Foreign Office ◽  
High Level ◽  
Policy Agreement

Although immigration of foreign workers had practically ceased since 1974, a series of important facts or developments took place in 1977.1. Unemployment increased and maintained itself on a high level. Immigrants, who make up 10 % of the active population, were affected by 14 % of the total unemployment. This percentage has remained constant since 1967. Nevertheless, these figures do not seem to have been noted by the Members of Parliament. They merely intend to propose either sending back all foreign unemployed workers, or simply expelling all working foreigners.2. In 1977, the Foreign Office replaced the former «Foreign Police».  This does not mean, however, that the situation of the immigrants has improved.3. The granting of voting and eligibility rights to immigrants with respect to local elections is an idea which made progress in 1977.  However, the political parties have very different ideas on this. Also, the issue of whether granting such rights does or does not imply a revisionof the Belgian Constitution has still not been solved.4. Previous to 1977, the immigration policy had fallen under the competency of the Ministers of Employment and Labor and of Justice. The recently concluded policy agreement, the Egmont Pact, calls for the regions and communities to play an important role in this matter. So far, this modification has barely been noted by the legislature.

A Confrontation between Two Doctrines: The Birth of Struggle for Hegemony in Hebrew Children's Literature during the 1930s and 1940s

2008 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 139-155 ◽  
Author(s):  
YAEL DARR
Keyword(s):  
Children's Literature ◽  
Educational System ◽  
Single Channel ◽  
Children’S Literature ◽  
The Political ◽  
Literary Creation ◽  
History Of ◽  
High Level ◽  
First Time ◽  
Literary Quality

This article describes a crucial and fundamental stage in the transformation of Hebrew children's literature, during the late 1930s and 1940s, from a single channel of expression to a multi-layered polyphony of models and voices. It claims that for the first time in the history of Hebrew children's literature there took place a doctrinal confrontation between two groups of taste-makers. The article outlines the pedagogical and ideological designs of traditionalist Zionist educators, and suggests how these were challenged by a group of prominent writers of adult poetry, members of the Modernist movement. These writers, it is argued, advocated autonomous literary creation, and insisted on a high level of literary quality. Their intervention not only dramatically changed the repertoire of Hebrew children's literature, but also the rules of literary discourse. The article suggests that, through the Modernists’ polemical efforts, Hebrew children's literature was able to free itself from its position as an apparatus controlled by the political-educational system and to become a dynamic and multi-layered field.

The last Croatian defender of brotherhood and unity – Miloš Žanko. A story of desperate courage and political responsibility

2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 135-143
Author(s):  
Irina V. Rudneva
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Political Responsibility ◽  
Socialist Republic ◽  
High Level

The article examines the issue of how, under the conditions of growing nationalism in the Socialist Republic of Croatia in the late 1960s, Miloš Žanko, one of the Croatian leaders, bravely opposed the political trends, which threatened both the region and his country. In the newspapers and magazines, at the Party congresses, he entered into harsh polemics with Croatian nationalists, who were exposing their insidious schemes and defending the idea of brotherhood and unity. However, Žanko did not anticipate how deeply nationalist ideology was rooted and how strong it was in Croatia, at what a high level of the establishment this ideology was supported, and what price the person who was daring to oppose it would have to pay.

YOUTH POLICY IN MODERN RUSSIA. ABSENTEEISM AND POLITICAL PROTEST

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
G.I. AVTSINOVA ◽  
М.А. BURDA
Keyword(s):  
Young People ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Protest ◽  
Youth Organizations ◽  
Youth Policy ◽  
The Government ◽  
Russian Politics ◽  
High Level

The article analyzes the features of the current youth policy of the Russian Federation aimed at raising the political culture. Despite the current activities of the government institutions in the field under study, absenteeism, as well as the protest potential of the young people, remains at a fairly high level. In this regard, the government acknowledged the importance of forming a positive image of the state power in the eyes of young people and strengthen its influence in the sphere of forming loyal associations, which is not always positively perceived among the youth. The work focuses on the fact that raising the loyalty of youth organizations is one of the factors of political stability, both in case of internal turbulence and external influence. The authors also focus on the beneficiaries of youth protests. The authors paid special attention to the issue of forming political leadership among the youth and the absence of leaders expressing the opinions of young people in modern Russian politics. At the same time, youth protest as a social phenomenon lack class and in some cases ideological differences. The authors come to the conclusion that despite the steps taken by the government and political parties to involve Russian youth in the political agenda, the young people reject leaders of youth opinion imposed by the authorities, either cultivating nonparticipation in the electoral campagines or demonstrating latent protest voting.

Can Russia Fight Organized Crime and Corruption?

2002 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 37-55
Author(s):  
Louise I. Shelley
Keyword(s):  
Organized Crime ◽  
Local Level ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Will ◽  
Structural Problems ◽  
Economic Elite ◽  
High Level ◽  
Personal Interests

The murder of Valentin Tsvetkov, the governor of Magadan in central Moscow in broad day light in October 2002 highlights that organized crime and corruption are still alive and well and highly destructive of life and governance in Russia (Wines, 2002). His murder once again raises the question, “Why has Russia not been able to stop organized crime and high level corruption?” The answer is that Russia docs not have the political will at the national, regional or local level to fight these problems. This is true because the Kremlin and economic elite push their personal interests over those of the state and the society. Structural problems such as low salaries of state personnel and the embedding of organized crime and corruption make reform very difficult.

Kultūrvēstures aspekti Jāņa Čakstes vācu valodā sarakstītajā apcerējumā „Die Letten und Ihre Latwija” (1917), tā tulkošanas un izdevumu vēsture latviski („Latvieši un viņu Latvija”, 1989/1990–2019)

2021 ◽  
pp. 155-162
Author(s):  
Ivars Orehovs
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Historical Background ◽  
The Political ◽  
Historical Aspects ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
The Public ◽  
30Th Anniversary ◽  
History Of Writing ◽  
History Of

On May 4, 2020, the 30th anniversary of the restoration of Latvia’s national independence was celebrated, and the 160th anniversary since the birth of the first President of Latvia, Jānis Čakste (1859–1927), was remembered on September 14, 2019. In 1917, even before the establishment of the Latvian state, Čakste published a longer essay in German, entitled „The Latvians and Their Latvia” (Die Letten und ihre Latwija), in which both the ethnic and geopolitical history of the Baltics was presented to communicate the public opinion and strivings of that time internationally. The essay also reflected economic relations in the predominantly Latvian-inhabited territory, demonstrating the political convictions and the culture-historical background of the era. The article aims to characterise the history of writing and publishing the essay in German, and its translation into Latvian (1989/90), and the translation’s editions (1999, 2009, 2014, 2019). Part of the article is devoted to analysing the culture-historical aspects, which in the authorial narrative have been expressed in the interethnic environment of the territory and the era.

De voorlopers van het parlementologisch onderzoek in België

Res Publica ◽  
1985 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 429-455
Author(s):  
Els Witte
Keyword(s):  
Constitutional Law ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Executive Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Commitment ◽  
Scientific Publications ◽  
Relative Lack ◽  
Methodological Foundation ◽  
Members Of Parliament ◽  
Mutual Relations

In this article we conclude, via a comparison of the 19th C. scientific publications concerning the Belgian parliament and the state of parliamentological research of the day, that Belgian writers achieved an international standard. In Belgium, as elsewhere in Europe, parliamentology was pursued from the standpoint of various complementary schools of thought. Modern political history provided very detailed information about the functioning of the parliamentary institution; constitutional law investigated the juridical aspects of it ; political science transcended these juridical boundaries and took account of the political aspects as well ; this method was also pursued in the field of political economy which, from a methodological point of view, can be regarded as the fundamental current of parliamentary sociology .It can be asserted that these writers are the founders of modern parliamentology despite the rather weak methodological foundation of their studies, the relative lack of empirical data-collection and the infiuenceof political commitment. As is still the case today, so also in the 19th C, the formal-juridical approach was dominant ; however, it was also insight-fully recognized that the most important problems of power lay in the mutual relations of the members of parliament themselves and in their relation to the majority, the opposition and the executive power. These studies furnish, therefore, very interesting lines of inquiry for the diachronic treatment of the majority of the problems of contemporary parliamentology.

VALUE ORIENTATIONS AND CIVIL-POLITICAL ACTIVITY OF YOUNG RUSSIAN PATRIOTS

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 62-70
Author(s):  
ANTONINA SELEZNEVA ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Young People ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Social Activity ◽  
Value Orientations ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Values ◽  
State And Society ◽  
Patriotic Education ◽  
High Level

Purpose of the study. The article is devoted to the analysis of value orientations, forms of civic engagement and political participation of young Russian citizens who consider themselves patriots. In accordance with the conceptual and methodological provisions developed within the framework of the political and psychological approach, the author examines how the cognitive and behavioral components of the personality structure, which determine the patriotic orientation of youth, relate to each other. Research results. Based on an analysis of the data of an all-Russian survey of young people aged 15 to 30, the author comes to the conclusion that young Russian patriots are interested in politics and identify with Russia. They demonstrate a fairly high level of social activity and have a wide repertoire of forms of civic participation and political behavior. They have attitudes towards conventional forms of political participation (primarily electoral). In the system of values of young patriots, the most significant are human rights, peace, order, legality, security, freedom and justice. Young Russian citizens who consider themselves patriots differ in their political values and behavioral orientations from «non-patriots». The author comes to the conclusion that young patriots have a connection between values and behavioral practices of their implementation, which determines their focus on interaction with the state and society. But this is not typical for young people in general. It is noted that in the future, patriotism can become a factor in the serious intragenerational demarcation of young people. Therefore, significant efforts are required from various institutions of socialization in the field of political education and patriotic education of youth.

scholarly journals Sociological analysis of Democratic Party MPs from the perspective of Elite theoryElit teorisi perspektifinden Demokrat Parti milletvekillerinin sosyolojik analizi

2017 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 914
Author(s):  
Durmuş Ali Arslan ◽  
Ahmet Çağrıcı
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Language ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Complex Structure ◽  
College Education ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Historical Background ◽  
The Political ◽  
Sociological Analysis ◽  
Family Status ◽  
Elite Theory

In this study, sociological analysis of public profiles of Democrat Party deputies who served years between 1950 and 1960 as a ruling party deputy by using elite theory has been planned. Before sociological analysis of deputies clarifying the complex structure of first event is needed. To achieve this firstly some basic concepts explained by using general fictions. We will set our work foundation over basic ideas of political sociology on Politics, democracy, powers, the political elite and the intellectual foundation concepts. After creating the conceptual and fictional background of the subject the historical background of the period before Adnan Menderes and his Democrat Party's ruling time has been analyzed.As a sample Group Democratic Party Deputies have been selected who served years between 1950 and1960 under Grand National Assembly umbrella from research universe consist of Turkish political elite. A set of data has been created by using "Spatial Analysis Technique" on the basis of background of the political elite has been used. Parliament's institutional records, publications and websites, especially by examining the parliament albums, since 1950, the year he took over the ruling period have been evaluated and used. These data sets were analyzed by using SPSS.   Analysis of  1323 deputies  have been planned from the perspective of social indicators like education level, age, foreign language they know, gender and place of birth under the light of generated data in the period of three course term.When the political elite as a result of the study evaluated the required properties for the Democratic Party deputies to be born in Istanbul, he should be more educated university graduates. In other sociological characteristics, to be young and middle-aged, gender and family status in the context of male, married, with three children to outweigh. If the analyzed period, as Turkey that lack of a college education is considered the country's first university graduate of Istanbul University attorneys are frequent. Law graduate to be, people who manage to know at least one foreign language and civilian bureaucrats seem to be dominant in parliament as in the DP. ÖzetBu çalışmada, Demokrat Partinin iktidar yılları olan 1950-1960 yılları arasında görev yapmış Demokrat Parti milletvekillerinin, toplumsal profillerinin elit teorisi üzerinden sosyolojik analizinin yapılması hedeflenmiştir. Milletvekillerinin sosyolojik analizinden önce incelediğimiz olayın ilk başta karmaşık yapısını belirginleştirmek gerekmektedir. Bu doğrultuda ilk başta genel bir kurgulama yapılarak bazı temel kavramlar açıklanmıştır. Siyaset, demokrasi, erk, parti, elit, siyasi elit kavramları üzerinden siyaset sosyolojisinin fikri temelleri üzerine çalışma oturtulmuştur. Konunun kavramsal ve kurgusal alt yapısı oluşturulduktan sonra dönemin tarihsel arka planı da göz önüne alınarak Adnan Menderes ve Demokrat Parti iktidar yılları, öncesi ve dönemi ile birlikte ele alınmıştır.Türk siyasi elitlerinin oluşturduğu araştırma evreninden, örneklem kümesi olarak 1950–1960 yılları arasında, Türkiye Büyük Millet Meclisi çatısı altında görev yapmış Demokrat Parti milletvekilleri seçilmiştir. “Konumsal Analiz Tekniği” kullanılarak, TBMM’nin kurumsal kayıtları, yayınları ve web sitesi özellikle de TBMM albümleri incelenerek, Demokrat Parti’nin iktidarı devraldığı yıl olan 1950’den itibaren Demokrat Parti milletvekilliği yapmış siyasi elitlerin toplumsal özgeçmişleri temelinde bir veri seti oluşturulmuştur. Bu veri setleri SPSS kullanılarak analiz edildi. Oluşturulan veri seti ışığında, üç dönemlik bir süreçte toplam 1323 Demokrat Partili milletvekilinin mesleki dağılımları, eğitim durumları, yaş, bildikleri yabancı dil, cinsiyet ve doğum yeri gibi sosyal indikatörler açısından incelemesi planlanmıştır.Yapılan çalışma neticesinde bir siyasal elit olarak Demokrat Parti milletvekilli için aranan özellikler değerlendirildiğinde İstanbul doğumlu olmak, eğitimli dahası üniversite mezunu olmak gerekmektedir. Aranan diğer nitelikler: genç-orta yaşlı, cinsiyet ve aile durumu bağlamında erkek, evli, üç çocuklu olmak ağır basmaktadır. İncelenen dönemler itibariyle Türkiye’de üniversite eğitimi veren kurumların azlığı göz önünde bulundurulursa ülkenin ilk üniversitesi olan İstanbul Üniversitesi mezunu vekiller yoğunluktadır. Hukuk bölümü mezunu olmak, en az bir yabancı dil bilmek ve sivil-bürokrat yönetici olan kişiler DP sıralarında parlamentoda baskın olarak gözükmektedir.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document