ТЕОРИЯ П. ВИРНО: КОММУНИКАЦИЯ, НОВАЯ ПУБЛИЧНОСТЬ, ДЕМОКРАТИЯ

2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 14
Author(s):  
Е. И. Наумова

The article is about the key moments of the theory of post-operaist philosopher Paolo Virno in connection with the concepts of nonmaterial economy and general intellect. The theory of post-operaism is based on the judgment that, from the one hand, communication becomes the leading mean of production and increment of capital in the frame of Post-Fordist capitalism; from the other hand, communication as the mode of production of «common» can be the foundation for the labor autonomy from capital and emergence the new types of democracy. The borders between labor (poesis), political activity (praxis) and intellect (life of Mind) blur in the frame nonmaterial economy functioning. As a result, we have deal with the situation of politization of labor and highlighting the phenomenon of virtuosity as a key competence in the new type of capitalism. Connection between labor and politics moves the labor activity in to category of public action that build new understanding of publicity based on the mastery of language and communication. Marх’s sustained division of labor on productive and unproductive, where the last isn’t able to create surplus value, gets the new conceptualization in the frame of post-operaist theory. Contemporary communicative capitalism has shown that the intellectual worker-virtuoso can make surplus value in the frame of cultural industry development, the «life» labor serves the capital in such situation. But, at the same time, the virtuoso linguistic activity as the basis of nonmaterial economy can become the foundation for the new types of democracy, which differ from the project of neoliberal democracy, where labor gets the characteristics of political action and receives the autonomy from capital. The concept of labor as virtuoso political action based on the idea of interactive and communicative foundation of politics which can to create the new space of publicity using the communicative technologies. These technologies empower the realization of participatory democratic processes for the citizens in the frame of political life and provide type of political interaction which sets out the continuity of the process of production of common knowledge, ideas, communications, relationships and finance as the basis for the new type of democracy. All of that promote the manifestation of communist (production of «common») tendencies in cooperative functioning of knowledge, communication and capital.

2015 ◽  
Vol 10 (5) ◽  
pp. 100-104
Author(s):  
Малик ◽  
Elena Malik

In the article the problems of formation and realization of participation of new generation of the Russian youth in political life of the society are revealed. The author shows specifics of formation of the political position of young citizens. Differentiation of valuable representations of youth group joining to political process is given. The author reasons the influence of the factors effecting political expression and self-determination of young citizens. On the one hand, the youth has the necessary potential of influence on the political sphere of state institutes, and on the other hand, it needs the support of social and political activity from state and public institutes. The importance of the conditions necessary for effective activization of participation opportunities of young citizens in the political process of the country is presented.


2012 ◽  
Vol 33 (01) ◽  
pp. 57-70 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. D. Winfield

For politics to measure up to reason, two requirements have long been acknowledged: first, that the ends of political action be universal, and second, that the pursuit of such universal ends consist in political self-determination, that is, in self-government.Aristotle set the stage for all further political inquiry by distinguishing political association through the universality of its end or good, while identifying the end of politics with political activity itself, an activity in which citizens rule over one another while presiding over all other associations, which fall under political dominion owing to the particularity of their pursuits. Aristotle joined the universality of politics with the activity of self-rule by recognising political activity to be an end in itself that is also a master end for the sake of which all other conduct is to be pursued. As such, politics was itself the highest good, making ethics possible by overcoming the hegemony of instrumental action, whose every end is devoid of intrinsic value, leaving conduct ultimately pointless (see Aristotle 1984b:Nicomachean Ethics, 1094a18-1094b12).Two corollary difficulties, however, undermine Aristotle's enterprise. On the one hand, he is unable to give the universal end of political association a non-arbitrary content. Politics may claim universality by being both an end in itself and a master end, but this is just a recipe for ‘might makes right’, where any prevailing rule would be identical with the highest good. Appeal to a distinctly human function or to forms of rule that pursue the common good rather than the particular interests of some ruler can provide no remedy.


2013 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 91-100
Author(s):  
Małgorzata Niewiadomska-Cudak

Abstract In the research, there was taken an attempt to analyze to which extent the electoral system, currently functioning in Poland, influences electoral participation of women. In the elaboration electoral participation, as a form of political activity will concern realization of suffrage right. The electoral system as a category of political studies analysis is the one of the utmost importance. The matter of scientific understanding of the system concentrates an attention of researchers for a while. The analysis of contemporary voting systems became one of the basic tasks of empirical political studies. It is worth look closer at an mechanism, which became a tool for enhancing a participation of women in political life


Author(s):  
Mark Byers

This concluding chapter charts the continuing significance of the early postwar moment in Olson’s later work, particularly The Maximus Poems. The philosophical and political concerns of the American avant-garde between 1946 and 1951 play out across The Maximus Poems just as they inform later American art practices. The search of the early postwar American independent left for a source of political action rooted in the embodied individual is seen, on the one hand, to have been personified in the figure of Maximus. At the same time, Maximus’s radical ‘practice of the self’ charts a sophisticated alternative to the Enlightenment humanist subject widely critiqued in the United States in the immediate postwar period.


2020 ◽  
Vol 68 (5) ◽  
pp. 999-1014
Author(s):  
Amín Pérez

This article proposes a new understanding of the constraints and opportunities that lead intellectuals engaged in different political and social fields to create alternative modes of resistance to domination. The study of the Algerian sociologist Abdelmalek Sayad offers insights into the social conditions of this mode of committed scholarship. On the one hand, this article applies Sayad’s theory of immigration to his transnational intellectual engagements. It establishes how immigrants’ intellectual work are conditioned by their trajectories, both before and after leaving their country, and by the stages of emigration (from playing a role in the society of origin to becoming caught up in the reality of the host society). On the other hand, the article illuminates the constraints and the spaces of possible action intellectuals face while moving across national universes and disparate political and academic fields. Sayad’s marginal position within the academy constrained him to work for the French and Algerian governments and international organizations while he was simultaneously engaged with political dissidents, unionists, writers, and social movements. In tracking Sayad’s roles as an academic, expert and public sociologist, the article uncovers the conditions that grounded improbable alliances between those fields and produced new forms of critique and political action. The article concludes by drawing out some reflections that ‘collective intellectual’ engagements elicit to the sociology of intellectuals.


The Chert Bed of Middle, or possibly Lower, Old Red Sandstone age discovered by Dr. W. Mackie (1914) at Rhynie, in Aberdeenshire, has become famous among palæo-botanists on account of the beautifully preserved remains of the earliest known land plants, described by the late Dr. Kidston and Prof. Lang (1917-1921). In addition to the plants, however, the Rhynie Chert also contains animal remains, for the most part very small and in a very fragmentary condition, although the fragments themselves are in many cases exceedingly well preserved. The vast majority of these animal remains are evidently Crustacean in character, and it was at first thought (see British Association Report, 1919, p. 110) that they belonged to several, or at least to two, different species. Subsequent work has, however, convinced me that all the Crustacean remains so far seen in the Rhynie Chert belong to the one species described in this paper.


Author(s):  
V. Lysenko

The social order posed by the society to the training of highly qualified personnel for the strategic needs of the labor market is associated with the changes in the economy, including the processes of its computerization and digitalization. Transformations in the digital economy determine new requirements for specialists’ training, their competences and qualification. The rapid changes in socio-economic conditions cause the need to transform the system of vocational training in order to meet the demands for competencies that correspond to the current technologic trends and methods of production. The reforms of vocational education system can be significant in resolving contradictions between the quality of training, on the one hand, and public and employers’ demands, on the other hand. Close cooperation of professional educational institutions, employers and social partners through their joint design and development of teaching technologies and methods for advanced vocational training of qualified specialists can be considered as one of the most efficient factors and conditions for resolving the above mentioned contradictions. These new conditions have already been created in the Centers for Advanced Vocational Training (CAVT), which can be characterized as a new type of infrastructural solution to the problem of aggregation of advanced vocational training programs and material and technical resources owned by science, education, production. The article focuses on some features of interaction and cooperation among vocational educational institutions, employers and social partners (social and public-private partnerships, networking cooperation, educational and technological cluster), which are taken into account in the performance of the Center for Advanced Vocational Training of the Kemerovo region.


2021 ◽  
Vol 26 (336) ◽  
pp. 121-131
Author(s):  
Elena Viktorovna Matveeva ◽  
Alexander Mitin ◽  
Daria Trofimova

In the article, the authors pay attention to the issue of value preferences of Russian youth on the example of the one of the regions of the Russian Federation – the Kemerovo region - Kuzbass. The problem of political activity of young people is considered through the system of current legislation on youth, socialization and directly value orientations and preferences of young people. The main legal acts regulating youth policy in the Russian Federation are marked. As an empirical basis a number of methodological approaches were used-the system approach (D. Easton, G. Almond), the normative-value approach of J. Rawls, a method of expert interviews and questionnaire survey. The article shows the inconsistency of the value beliefs of modern youth, which is caused by the Russian model of democratic development.


2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (10) ◽  
pp. 75
Author(s):  
EkramBadr El-din ◽  
Mohamed Dit Dah Ould Cheikh

The current study tries to examine the military coups that have occurred in Turkey and Mauritania. These coups differ from the other coups that occurred in the surrounding countries in the phase of democratization as these coups served as a hindrance to the process of democratization in Turkey and Mauritania. The problem of the study revolves around the analysis of the coups that happened in Turkey and Mauritania in the phase of democratic transition. The research is designed to answer the following question: what are the reasons that prompted the military establishment to intervene in political life in the shadow of the process of democratization in Turkey and Mauritania? The study aims at understanding reasons that pushed the military establishment to intervene in the political life. To discuss this phenomenon and achieve the required results, the analytical descriptive approach is adopted for concluding key results that may contribute to understand reasons that pushed the military establishment to intervene in the political life in Turkey and Mauritania in the aftermath democratization occurred in the two countries. The study concluded that the military establishment in both countries engaged in the political action and became ready to militarily intervene in the case of harming its interests and acquisitions. 


1968 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 119-146 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. M. Lonsdale

This paper attempts to provide a frame of reference for evaluating the role of ordinary rural Africans in national movements, in the belief that scholarly preoccupation with élites will only partially illumine the mainsprings of nationalism. Kenya has been taken as the main field of enquiry, with contrasts and comparisons drawn from Uganda and Tanganyika. The processes of social change are discussed with a view to establishing that by the end of the colonial period one can talk of peasants rather than tribesmen in some of the more progressive areas. This change entailed a decline in the leadership functions of tribal chiefs who were also the official agents of colonial rule, but did not necessarily mean the firm establishment of a new type of rural leadership. The central part of the paper is taken up with an account of the competition between these older and newer leaderships, for official recognition rather than a mass following. A popular following was one of the conditions for such recognition, but neither really achieved this prior to 1945 except in Kikuyuland, and there the newer leaders did not want official recognition. After 1945 the newer leadership, comprising especially traders and officials of marketing co-operatives, seems everywhere to have won a properly representative position, due mainly to the enforced agrarian changes which brought the peasant face to face with the central government, perhaps for the first time. This confrontation, together with the experience of failure in earlier and more local political activity, resulted in a national revolution coalescing from below, co-ordinated rather than instigated by the educated élite.


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