Suffragettes of the Empire, Daughters of the Republic: Women Auto/biographers Narrate National History (1918-1935)

2007 ◽  
Vol 36 ◽  
pp. 27-51 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hülya Adak

AbstractThis paper explores modes of autobiographical writing by female authors in the early republican period. Women's autobiographies draw a strict distinction between the narration of the private and the public self, as they promote the narration of the undomestic, professional self at the expense of the private. Ironically, even if the autobiographers in question were politically active in suffrage, women's autobiographies either do not represent the authors' involvement in such campaigns, or praise state feminism for granting emancipation. “Personal is political” only becomes a maxim for a later generation of women writers, with autobiographies and autobiographical novels of the post-1970 period underscoring the importance of exploring the subjectivity of the adult woman/narrator. More recent examples of auto/biographical writing blur the boundaries between private and public and narrate gendered accounts of republican history.

Author(s):  
Daniele Miano

This chapter studies all the public temples of Fortuna at Rome in the Republican period. The main focal points of the chapter are the precise historical circumstances for the vow, construction, and dedication of each temple, and the connection between these circumstances and the epithets attributed to the goddess. One of the main points made by this chapter is that there is a very solid connection between Republican temples of Fortuna and the plebeian aristocracy, which suggests that Fortuna was characterized as a deity closely associated with the plebs. Another point concerns Fortuna Publica, a deity that during the Roman conquest of the Greek East was associated with Roman imperialism through her translation as Tyche, following a debate on the merits of Roman conquest of which we can read traces in Polybius.


2015 ◽  
Vol 42 (4-5) ◽  
pp. 429-439
Author(s):  
Boğaç Erozan

Established in 1923, Turkey has been a republic without a dominant republican conception of liberty. A chance to install such a conception was missed in the early republican period and never recaptured. The republic was unable to get rid of vestiges of the authoritarian tradition of the past. Centuries-old authoritarian tradition persisted well into the recent and the contemporary periods. Presenting ample evidence, the article underlines the weight of history and the legacy of authoritarian mentality that promoted the use of authority, not liberty, in political problem-solving. The initial failure to abandon an authoritarian problem-solving approach proved fateful for the chances of the deepening of democracy in Turkey.


Author(s):  
P.V. Shlikov

Аннотация В фокусе внимания статьи процесс трансформации традиционного института вакфа в Османской империи XIX начала XX в., основные детерминанты которого определили судьбу вакфов в раннереспубликанский период истории Турции. Распространение коррупции и снижающаяся эффективность деятельности значительного числа вакфов, использование сомнительных механизмов эксплуатации, замены и аренды вакуфного имущества негативно отразились на общественной репутации института, поставив под сомнение целесообразность и правомерность существования многочисленных вакфов. Озаботившись установлением непосредственного контроля над вакфами и их ресурсами, султан Махмуд II учредил в 1826 г. Министерство вакфов с обширными полномочиями. Однако разрозненность вакфов и их функциональное многообразие свели деятельность министерства к минимуму формальной регистрации решений, принимаемых на местах. В результате, система вакфов сохранила децентрализованный характер, а ее деятельность по-прежнему определялась преимущественно корпоративными и семейно-клановыми, а не государственными интересами. Наряду с распространением злоупотреблений важным катализатором кризиса системы вакфов во второй половине XIXв. стала политика османских властей по наращиванию роли государства в сфере социального обеспечения и благотворительности. В совокупности все это подготовило почву для масштабной конфискации вакуфной собственности, проводившейся в начале XX в. в разных частях Османской империи (от Турции до Сирии и Египта).Abstract The paper analyses the transformation of the traditional waqf institution in the 19th and early 20th century Ottoman Empire the process which determined the fate of waqfs in the early republican period of Turkeys history. The spread of corruption and precarious practices of exchange and rent of waqf properties together with the declining effectiveness of many waqf activities all this had a negative impact on the public reputation of waqfs and questioned both the legitimacy and usefulness of numerous waqfs and the large scale waqf network. The Ottoman authorities were concerned about the direct control of waqfs and their properties, in 1826 the Sultan Mahmud II established a Ministry of Waqfs with extensive power and jurisdiction. However, the scale, diversity and ramified structure of the waqf system reduced the real work of the ministry mostly to the formal registration of the decisions taken at the local level. As a result, the waqf system remained decentralized and its activities were determined mostly by family and corporate interests and not by the state. Along with the widely spread corruption and misuse of waqf properties another factor conducive to the growing of crisis in the waqf system was the Ottoman states aspiration to play an increasingly important role in the sphere of social welfare, social security and charity in the late 19th century. The combination of these factors paved the way for the large-scale confiscation of waqf properties in various parts of the Ottoman Empire in the early 20th century (from Turkey to Syria and Egypt).


1970 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 581-602 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen R. MacKinnon

AbstractsThrough an examination of the career of Liang Shih-i (1869–1933) and the “Communications” clique of railway and financial administrators, the intention is to illuminate the nonmilitary side of the late Ch'ing to early Republic transition. Although Liang and such associates as Yeh Kung-cho and Kuan Keng-lin dealt with modernization of communications and financial institutions, the patterns of their careers fit a more traditional mold. Liang held a chin-shih degree; the others also had scholarly gentry backgrounds. Unlike their well known contemporary, Sheng Hsuan-huai, they were not entrepreneurs as well as bureaucrats. Crucial to the rise of these men first to bureaucratic and then, during the Republican period, to political power were their ties to Yuan Shih-k'ai. Between 1906 and 1911, Yuan helped nurtured Liang and his clique to control of the Ministry of Posts and Communications (Yu-ch'uan pu); during and after the revolution of 1911–12 Yuan depended on them and their communications and financial network of influence for support of his presidency of the Republic. Thus Liang and the Communications Clique represented the non-military side of Yuan Shih-k'ai's power during the late Ch'ing and early Republican periods.


2020 ◽  
Vol 25 ◽  
pp. 7-28
Author(s):  
Marcelo A. Bohrt

Race has shaped the development of the Bolivian state and its institutions albeit with important transformations in the social and political meaning of race. This paper discusses the racialization of the central state bureaucracy in Bolivia along these two dimensions: the distribution of bureaucratic resources and the assumptions and meanings that underpin bureaucratic hierarchy and spaces. It first discusses the relationship between the modern state and the concept of race, and conceptualizes the ethnoracial bureaucracy as a material and symbolic structure. Next, it examines the composition of the public administration sector overall and across the bureaucratic hierarchy in 2001, before the MAS-IPSP’s rise to power. Last, it surveys the narratives of race and nation that Creole and white-mestizo state elites historically mobilized in demarcating the boundaries of state power around whiteness. In contemporary Bolivia, the production of alternative official narratives of race and nation seeks to blur the boundary between indigeneity and statecraft (re)produced since the early republican period, and to legitimize the changing ethnoracial composition of the bureaucracy. The durability of the project is not guaranteed as the sediment of history and competing political projects weighs heavy on this process of transformation and negotiation.  


Author(s):  
Emel Çokoğullar ◽  
B. Mehmet Bozaslan

In 1923 with the proclamation of the Republic began a new era. One of the main issues of this period has been to provide the legitimacy of the new regime. Corresponds to the specified purpose education has tried to take advantage of the functional direction. The secular nature of the winning educational institutions, described the principles of the new regime and the real salvation were stated to be realized by obedience to political power and these principles.  In this way, both have tried to create a Turkish nation and commitment to the political power of the shaped by a "manners" the emphasis is prominent.Keywords: Education, Early Republican Period, National Education, The New Regime.


2012 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 86
Author(s):  
Dr.Sc. Lidija Stefanovska

With the intention of having a successful performance of organizations, in conditions of increased competition in particular, human resources and their development are of utmost importance. The uniqueness of these resources, above all, due to the capabilities and competencies they possess, which guarantee to the organization sustainable, long-term company competitiveness, requires their permanent professional development and advancement. The organizations that have this practice already gain relative advantage which on its part insures better strategic position in the frames of highly competitive environment.This research is in the direction of a real perception, ascertaining of assumptions and conditions and suggestions for human resources development. The basis for my knowledge is the reflections of the employees of their experiences in their organizations referring to the permanent professional development and advancement and the degree of satisfaction from work initiated in this context. The paper's title itself initiates draft measures that can be taken in course of inevitable change towards which all the organizations should be directed, in order to create climate for achieving aims, in direction of creating competitive organization, with effective ways of human resources development.In this paper, the results of the conducted research in the public and private sector in the Pelagonia region in the Republic of Macedonia are presented.


Author(s):  
Gulsen G. Erdal

The rapid change and transition process experienced through the Modernization / Westernization period entered with the Republic, which was founded in Turkey in 1923, includes intense constructions of culture and art media. All these constructions desired to be realized involve provision of a secular platform for political and ideal life, integration of culture into all parts of the society using the national history as a basis in culture, structuring high cultural institutions and bringing them into force. Due to the conditions of the period, educational administration is centralized. The objective of the elementary education is to train citizens for the new republic and raise the awareness of citizenship. Educational policies and programs rising national consciousness with a universal-humanist-secular approach is the principal feature of the republican education system.Keywords: Early Reepublic period.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (16) ◽  
pp. 135-144
Author(s):  
Hatice ENGİN

The development of museology in Turkey corresponds to the last period of the Ottoman Empire (westernization period). One of the main reasons why the idea of museology developed in a late period in Turkey was that the protection of cultural heritage did not gain importance. In this direction, the importance of protecting ancient artifacts in a building and being a museum has been understood late. However, thanks to the museum examples that Ahmet Fethi Pasha, one of the important statesmen of the period, saw during his European travels, the lack of a museum in Turkey was constantly mentioned. European museums, which influenced the Pasha, strengthened the idea of establishing a museum in Istanbul day by day. Thus, museology activities were started with the transformation of Hagia Eirene Church into a museum. Hagia Iri Church was the first example in Turkey in terms of forming the core of the idea of museology. Ottoman period museology, after the foreign directors, Osman Hamdi Bey was appointed as the museum director, and Turkish Museology was brought to life in a real sense. Osman Hamdi has spent a lot of effort to advance museology in accordance with the contemporary understanding of museology. Considering in this context, it has been a preparatory stage in the museum of the Republic Period. When we look at the museums of the Republic Period, museum activities were carried out with a rapid breakthrough under the leadership of Atatürk. Community Centers, were established in order to adopt the reforms made in this period to the public. In time, a “museum branch” was added to the Community Centers. With the museology branch, it was aimed to explain the importance of museology to the public and to be sensitive about it. In the community centers, ethnographic materials reflecting the culture of the people were collected in the first place. Thus, preliminary preparations were made for the museums to be established. The main purpose of the study is to emphasize the importance of the Community Centers established in the Republican Period in Turkish Museology. Thanks to the community centers and cultural institutions established under the leadership of Atatürk, the adoption of museology to the public and its contributions to museology will be expressed. In the study, the historical background of the community centers will be included and the connection of these institutions with museology will be tried to be expressed.


DIYÂR ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 268-288
Author(s):  
Umit Eser

The end of the Ottoman Empire and the establishment of the Kemalist nation-state were political changes that not only affected the lives of millions of individuals, but also heralded a total demographic and physical reconstitution and transformation of the cities and towns in Asia Minor. The port city of Smyrna/Izmir was undoubtedly one of the Ottoman cities that was devastated by this irrevocable physical, political, and social change. This study attempts to shed light on the history of a church building whose congregation had been compelled to migrate to Greece in September 1922, in the early Republican period. Agios Ioannis o Theologos (Saint John the Theologian), one of the complete churches located in the Upper Neighbourhood, was sequestered by the Commission of the Abandoned Properties (Emvâl-i Metruke Komisyonu) immediately after the Great Fire of 1922. This paper situates the Church of Agios Ioannis Theologos at the nexus of the Abandoned Properties measures and re-territorialisation in the early Republican period. Firstly, a decision was made to destroy the bell tower of the church and convert the remaining building into a school at the end of a lengthy series of correspondence between the ministries and the municipality in 1926. Secondly, its relics, church furniture, and icons were forgotten until the late 1930s. Finally, following two cabinet decisions and lengthy bureaucratic procedures, these relics were transported to Athens in 1945. This paper argues that various institutions of the Republic adopted different strategies to deal with the properties of Ottoman Christian communities after the population exchange in 1923, though the state retained its pragmatic approach towards these remaining properties.


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