Freedom of Speech for Public Officials vs. the Political Parties' Right to Equal Opportunity: The German Constitutional Court's Recent Rulings Involving the NPD and the AfD

2017 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 189-212
Author(s):  
Thomas Kliegel

Public Officials are bound by the fundamental rights when they are acting in their political function. Acting as such they cannot, in general, claim the freedom of speech for themselves as normal citizens do. If they give statements regarding other political parties they have to abide by the principle of neutrality. Statements that could be understood as negative will be — especially if they are made during the election process — a violation of the right of political parties to equal opportunity, which is an indispensable element of the free and open process of forming popular opinion. The delineation of whether a public official is appearing as such, as a “party politician” or “private individual” can, however, be difficult and it is the obligation of the public official to leave no doubt about the role he is exercising. Different from any other public official the Federal President needs not comply with the principle of neutrality. He has a broad margin of assessment and only transgresses his legal boundaries if he violates the integrative task of his office in an arbitrary manner.

Global Jurist ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rocco Alessio Albanese

Abstract This paper intends to discuss some major European legal issues by building on the critique of a certain narrow relevance of human basic needs, according to traditional Western legal conceptions of the subject as well as of the public-private divide. In particular it aims at verifying the potentiality of consumer law for rethinking the right to housing, within recent trends of European Private Law, by adopting a remedial approach. For this reason the paper analyzes three well-known cases decided by the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) – namely Aziz, Sanchez Morcillo and Kušionová – as examples of this meaningful trend. Through the combination of the fairness test over contractual terms with the criteria of effectiveness and proportionality, a broader protection of right to housing is recognised even in horizontal private relationships. Art. 7 of the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights (CFREU) could represent the constitutional reference for this new perspective. The paper also intends to show how the relevance of the basic need for housing is traced to debtor's families. CJEU's interpretative itinerary seems to start from a fairness test about contractual terms, but eventually comes to give protection to subjective situations that are even out of the domain of the contract.


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 267
Author(s):  
Ivandi Setiawan ◽  
Rasji .

PPAT is a public official authorized to make authentic deeds concerning certain legal acts concerning the right to land or the Property Right of the Flats Unit. Government Regulation No. 24 of 2016 is the latest regulation made by the government to regulate provisions on PPAT. in Government Regulation No. 24 of 2016 in Article 12 paragraph one explained that the scope of work area of PPAT is expanded into one province where in the previous regulation that is government regulation number 37 year 1998 explained that the scope of work of PPAT is only limited to district only. but the fact is now the government regulation number 24 of 2016 has not been applied efficiently, especially in terms of the scope of work of PPAT, it happens because of several factors that hamper causing the loss of effectiveness in Article 12 Paragraph one of Government Regulation No. 24 of 2016 . it is of course also contrary to the legal certainty that the public should have legal certainty with the enactment of the government regulation number 24 of 2016 by the government then the regulation should be applicable in the scope of the working area of PPAT should be applicable in practice in the community. contrary to lex posterior derogate legi priori principle which explains that in the same rules the new rules can replace the old rules. the approach used in this study using the approach of law.


Author(s):  
Ferran ARMENGOL FERRER

LABURPENA: Egonkortasuneko Mekanismo Europarrean (EME) baldintzapena nola aplikatzen den aztertuko dugu artikulu honetan, Europar Batasunaren esparruan aitortuta dauden oinarrizko eskubideen ikuspegitik. Horretarako, giza eskubideen alorrean nazioarteko hitzarmenak aplikatzearen alde egin duten jarrera doktrinalak hartu dira erreferentziatzat, Nazioarteko Diru Funtsak (NDF) eta nazioarteko beste finantza-erakunde batzuek garapen bidean diren herrialdeekiko operazioetan txertatu duten baldintzapenari muga jartzeko. Europar Batasunaren eremuan 2009-2010 urteetako zor publikoaren krisiari erantzuna emateko sortu diren organismoek eta, batez ere, EMEk (euro eremuan egonkortasuna ziurtatzeko organismoak,) ordea, egiturazko elementu gisa sartu dute baldintzapena haien operazioetan, NDFaren antzeko filosofia hartuta, hau da, zuhurtziaren bitartez lortu nahi dute hazkunde ekonomikoa, eta, horren ondorioz, oinarrizko eskubide batzuk ezin izan dira behar bezala gauzatu. Horrek mahai gainean jartzen du kontu bat, ea politika horiek bateragarri ote diren Europar Batasunaren helburu eta printzipioekin; hasiera batean «zuzenbidezko komunitatea» esamoldeaz definitu baitzuten EB, eta giza eskubideetan oinarrituta eraiki. Justizia Auzitegiak horri buruz idatzi zuen lehenengo epai —goiztiarrak— (Pringle epaiak), ordea, ez zuen zehaztu EMEren baldintzapenak Europar Batasunaren xede eta printzipioekin eta giza eskubideekiko errespetuarekin bat egiten ote duen. Hala ere, badirudi irizpide hori aldatzen ari dela, Ledra Advertising-en duela gutxi eman den epaiaren harira; izan ere, jabetzarako eskubideari dei egiteko atea ireki du, baldintzapena ezartzearen ondorioz eragindako kalteengatiko ordaina eskatzeari dagokionez. Hortaz, EME Europako Diru Funtsean eraldatuta bakarrik heldu ahalko zaie oinarrizko eskubideei, EME erkideko erakunde gisa eratzen bada, baldintzapenaren ondorio kaltegarriak geldiarazteari edo arintzeari begira. Are gehiago, Europako Diru Funtsean baldintzapena judizialki kontrolatzea erreferentea izan liteke nazioarteko beste finantza-erakunde batzuentzat. RESUMEN: El presente artículo analiza la aplicación de la condicionalidad en el Mecanismo Europeo de Estabilidad (MEDE) desde la perspectiva de los derechos fundamentales reconocidos en el ámbito de la Unión Europea. A tal efecto, se toman como referencia las posiciones doctrinales que han venido defendiendo la aplicación de los convenios internacionales en materia de derechos humanos como límite a la condicionalidad introducida por el FMI y otras instituciones financieras internacionales en sus operaciones con los países en desarrollo. Los organismos creados en el ámbito de la Unión Europea para dar respuesta a la crisis de la Deuda pública de 2009-10, y de modo singular el MEDE, organismo creado para garantizar la estabilidad de la zona euro, han introducido, sin embargo, la condicionalidad como un elemento estructural en sus operaciones, con una filosofía parecida a la del FMI, es decir, conseguir el crecimiento económico a partir de la austeridad, con lo que se ha visto perjudicado el ejercicio de diversos derechos fundamentales. Ello plantea la cuestión de la compatibilidad de tales políticas con los objetivos y principios de la Unión Europea, definida en su día como «Comunidad de Derecho» y fundada sobre los valores de los derechos humanos. La primera —y temprana— sentencia dictada al respecto por el Tribunal de Justicia (sentencia Pringle) dejó, sin embargo, en el aire la cuestión de la compatibilidad de la condicionalidad del MEDE con los objetivos y principios de la Unión Europea y el respeto de los derechos humanos. Parece, no obstante, que este criterio tiende a modificarse a partir del reciente fallo en Ledra Advertising, que ha abierto la puerta a invocar el derecho de propiedad para ser indemnizado por los daños causados por la aplicación de la condicionalidad. Con todo, será a partir de la transformación del MEDE en el Fondo Monetario Europeo, si éste se constituye como institución comunitaria, como puede hacerse efectiva la invocación de los derechos fundamentales para frenar o mitigar los efectos perjudiciales de la condicionalidad. Más aún, el control judicial de la condicionalidad en el FME podría servir como referente para otras instituciones financieras internacionales. ABSTRACT: This article analyses the application of conditionality within the European Stability Mechanism (ESM) from the perspective of the fundamental rights recognized within the EU. To this end, we take as a reference the doctrinal positions that have been defending the application of international conventions on human rights as a limit to the conditionality introduced by the IMF and another financial international institutions in their operations with developing countries. The public agencies created within the EU in order to meet the demands of the public debt crisis of 2009-10, and specifically the ESM, a body created to guarantee the Euro zone’s stability, have nonetheless introduced the conditionality as a structural element in their operations, with a philosophy comparable to that of the IMF, i.e. to achieve economic growth from austerity, thus impairing the exercise of several fundamental rights. That raises the question of compatibility of those policies with the objectives and principles of the EU, defined one day as a «community of law» and founded upon the values of fundamental rights. The first —and early— judgement delivered on this ground by the European Court of Justice (Pringle case) left nevertheless in the air the compatibility of the conditionality of ESM with the objectives and principles of the EU and with the respect to human rights. It seems however that this criteria tends to be modified by the recent judgment Ledra Advertising that opened the door to invoke the right to property in order to be compensated by damages caused as a consequence of conditionality. Even so, it will be after the transformation of the ESM into an European Monetary Fund, if this is constituted as a Community institution, that invoking fundamental rights shall be effective in order to stop or mitigate the adverse effects of conditionality. What is more, the judicial control over conditionality within the EMF might serve as a reference for other international financial institutions.


PEDIATRICS ◽  
1951 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 247-258
Author(s):  
JORGEN S. DICH

The subject of this talk concerns social medicine in the Scandinavian countries, not socialized medicine. The term socialized medicine has a political bias which is not in conformity with the conception of social medicine in Scandinavia. Every step in the development of the Scandinavian social medicine program has been adopted unanimously by all parties, irrespective of their attitudes toward socialism itself. Political parties have advocated liberalism and opposed socialism with the same ardor with which they have supported the expansion of social medicine. In Scandinavia, therefore, it is not necessary to advise us to "Keep politics out of this picture." Politics have always been omitted, even to the extent that a phrase corresponding to the American "socialized medicine" has never been used in Scandinavia. And if you were to try introducing it, it would not be understood. What is social medicine? It can be defined as an organization of the medical services according to a certain conception of individual or human rights and public obligations in a modern society. In all countries it is accepted that there are some basic needs which everyone has the right to satisfy, irrespective of income. Protection of personal freedom belongs to this group; so does education of the children.


2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 358-393
Author(s):  
Bruno Irion Coletto ◽  
Pedro Da Silva Moreira

The right to healthcare in Brazil is seriously protected by the courts. Judicialization of everyday implementation of this public policy is a fact. One explanation may be provided by the way judges understand the effectiveness of this right. People hold subjective right to individualized healthcare benefits, and so they hold standing to sue the state in order to achieve it, regardless any consideration of public policies. Through an analysis of the jurisprudence on this issue, this paper aims to provide a critical understanding not just about what is actually happening in Brazilian courts regarding healthcare, but also to criticize it. The conclusion is that a “strong” conception of constitutionalism and fundamental rights may revel itself as “weak,” from the standpoint of general equality. Judicialization ends up empting the public debate, leading the task of solving the distribution of scarce resources to a “gowned aristocracy.” 


Author(s):  
Espinosa Manuel José Cepeda ◽  
Landau David

This chapter considers the Court’s jurisprudence on the freedom of speech and religion. The Court’s work on the freedom of speech examines familiar conflicts—such as between speech and public order, or speech and the privacy of reputation of others—but in an unfamiliar context where the Court has often had to contend with the implications of the country’s internal armed conflict. Thus, for example, the Court has had to weigh the damage that might be done by publishing the statements of illegal armed groups and the effect of statements linking public officials with those groups. The Court’s jurisprudence on freedom of religion had sought to recognize plurality in a climate where Catholicism has historically dominated public and private life. This chapter considers both the Court’s jurisprudence striking down core provisions of the Concordat treaty with Rome, and its recognition of the right of conscientious objection from military service.


Author(s):  
Rehia K. Isabella Barus ◽  
Armansyah Matondang ◽  
Nina Angelia ◽  
Beby Masitho Batubara

Ahead of the 2019 general election which is divided into two stages, namely the Legislative election and the Presidential election. This event is the right moment to find out the political participation of the people at the grass-roots level while at the same time seeing the interaction between the people in the grass-roots and political parties. The interaction that wants to be seen is what forms of political behavior and community participation at the grassroots, as well as how political parties behave in interacting with this community. Then the important point that is also seen is how political parties behave in involving and seeking to raise support from the community. In the end, through this research, it will be known the quality of political participation from the public and electoral political parties in 2019.


POLITEA ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 19
Author(s):  
Moh Sugihariyadi

<p class="06IsiAbstrak"><span lang="EN-GB">'Show-Changing Bojo' Politics in the Constellation of Election of Regent and Deputy Regent of Rembang. The election of the Regent and Deputy Regent of Rembang is based on the electeroral law. Electoral law is followed by an electoral process, one of which is by receiving input from the public. Because people have the right, opportunity and receive equal services based on statutory regulations. Submission of candidate pairs for Regent and Deputy Regent candidates by the DPC Political Party needs to consider the electoral law and electoral process, including ethical issues in politics. This study aims to analyze the political style of the candidates for regent and deputy regent of Rembang in leadership succession through the 'bojo showing off' model. The method used is qualitative with a phenomenological approach, which proves that community participation in the selection process of prospective regents and deputy regents at the level of political parties is never a concern. Therefore, 'showing off' bojo is one way to attract the attention of the public to pay attention to the succession of the leadership.</span></p>


2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-56
Author(s):  
D Ganesh Kumar ◽  
Akshay Douglas Gudinho

Consensus Ad Idem, legally defined as „meeting of minds‟, at the time of the formation of a contract, warrants a cardinal jurisprudential question which transcends its mere literal meaning. In Indian Contract Law, the trend has followed the test of objectivity, whereby it is not the actual intent of the party or parties that enter into the contract that is the subject of judicial evaluation, but it is what a reasonable man would deliberate in the peculiar circumstances of the case. However, the evaluation of telephonic conversations merit intrinsic jurisprudential insight. While applying the objective test, the questions that arise are - is there legal certainty of assent to a contract over telephonic conversations i.e. whether there is free consent. Do the parties have the capacity to contract over telephone? What are the liabilities of the telephone operator and his legal bond to the contract between two or more contracting parties? Does it amount to violation of the fundamental rights to freedom of speech and expression and the right to privacy? The authors attempt to provide an objective analysis of communication in contracts over telephonic means and the constitutional environment embedded therein. To this end, a plea for due diligence prior to the formation of telephonic contracts shall be made in order to bring objectivity to the judicial evaluation of telephonic contracts.


2017 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-72
Author(s):  
Marcelo Ferreira Ribas

O presente artigo visa abordar a questão da efetividade dos Direitos Sociais a partir da análise da Emenda Constitucional nº 90/2015, que inseriu o transporte no rol dos Direitos Sociais da Constituição Federal. Para tanto, adota-se a metodologia de abordagem dedutiva, posto partir da análise doutrinária do direito material para compreender seus desdobramentos fáticos e, no desenvolvimento da pesquisa, emprega-se a técnica de documentação indireta, mediante o recurso à bibliografia de juristas que discorrem sobre o tema. Depreende-se que o reconhecimento do direito ao transporte como Direito Social apresenta-se como oportunidade para refletir acerca do conceito e da natureza jurídica dos Direitos Sociais e de seu lugar no ordenamento jurídico. Como Direitos Fundamentais, os Direitos Sociais privilegiam a igualdade material na sociedade e, para tanto, demandam prestações por parte do Estado em benefício da população carente. Juridicamente eficazes, a eficácia social ou efetividade encontra óbice na teoria da reserva do possível, por meio da qual o Estado alega insuficiência de recursos a serem dispendidos para a concretização desses direitos. Além disso, há também o poder de disposição do Estado para geri-los discricionariamente, por meio do qual age, por vezes, desconsiderando as expectativas da sociedade. Ao final, propõe-se o aprimoramento dos instrumentos que garantam a participação popular na gestão democrática do orçamento público e na tomada de decisões, em vista da superação dos problemas relativos à efetividade dos Direitos Sociais e, consequentemente, da distância existente entre a norma e a realidade.Palavras-chave: Transporte. Direitos Sociais. Reserva do Possível. Discricionariedade.AbstractThis article aims to approach the issue of the effectiveness of social rights from the analysis of Constitutional Amendment 90/2015, which inserted the transportation in the roll of social rights of the Federal Constitution. For that, the methodology of deductive approach is adopted, based on a doctrinal analysis of the material law to understand its unfolding events and, during the research development,the technique of indirect documentation is used, through the use of the jurists’ bibliography who discourse about the subject. It seems that the recognition of the right to transportation as a social right presents itself as an opportunity to reflect on the concept and legal nature of social rights and their place in the legal system. As fundamental rights, the social rights privilege the material equality in the society and, therefore, demand State provisions in benefit of the poor population. Legally effective, the social effectiveness or effectiveness finds obstacle in the reserve of the possible theory, whereby the State claims insufficient resources to be spent for the realization of these rights. In addition, there is also the State’s power to dispose of it at its own discretion, by means of which it sometimes acts in disregard of the society expectations. In the end, it is proposed to improve the instruments that guarantee popular participation in the democratic management of the public budget and in decisionmaking, in order to overcome the problems related to the effectiveness of social rights and, consequently, the distance between the norm and the reality. Keywords: Transportation. Social Rights. Reserve of the Possible. Discretion.


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