The rebirth of Chinggis Khaan: state appropriation of Chinggis Khaan in post-socialist Mongolia

2017 ◽  
Vol 45 (5) ◽  
pp. 840-855 ◽  
Author(s):  
Orhon Myadar
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Sense Of Belonging ◽  
The State ◽  
Capital City ◽  
The Public ◽  
National Space ◽  
State Appropriation ◽  
The Government

A massive monument of Chinggis Khaan (Chinggis Khaan's name is spelt differently depending on the language in which it was written and on conventions of transliteration. Among the most common are Chinggis, Genghis, Genghiz, or Jengiz. For the purpose of the paper, the Mongolian transliteration is used.) imposingly gazes down from the government palace in Ulaanbaatar, the capital city of Mongolia. The monument was erected in 2006 in commemoration of the 800-year anniversary of the establishment of “the Great Mongolian State.” Occupying arguably the most prominent national space, the monument serves as an arresting emblem of the state. With its silent yet triumphant symbolization, the monument articulates the state's new ideology in the post-Soviet era. The monument is one of countless symbolic and material grand-scale state expressions appropriating Chinggis Khaan. In this article, I examine the state's appropriation of Chinggis Khaan as the marker of Mongolian post-socialist national identity. In doing so, I critically examine how the state appropriates history, remembering and forgetting certain parts, to cultivate a shared sense of belonging and pride. Unifying the public in shared glorification and celebration of Chinggis Khaan ultimately serves to instill devotion to the national political and ideological project.

scholarly journals Examining the Relocation of the Capital City of Indonesia Through the State Perspective in Political Economy

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 26-35
Author(s):  
Ana Sabhana Azmy
Keyword(s):  
Economic Development ◽  
The State ◽  
Capital City ◽  
Access To Education ◽  
Literature Study ◽  
Economic Equality ◽  
The Public ◽  
Pros And Cons ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government

The government's decision to move the capital of the Republic of Indonesia from DKI Jakarta to Kalimantan has drawn pros and cons among the public. The government considers the relocation plan to provide comfort, welfare, access to education, health and fair and equitable participation. However, moving the capital city is not easy and must go through a well-planned plan. Using a literature study, this article attempts to review how the state positions itself in the relocation plan, and what are the implications for relocating the capital city in the context of economic development. The conclusion of this discourse is that the state is exercising its autonomy in the plan to move the capital city, or what Caporaso and Levine say as a free state. The government remains focused on relocation plans, although there are a number of people who disagree. The government also ensures that the implications of the capital relocation plan are positive for economic development in Indonesia. distribution of economic equality will occur in Indonesia.

The 1912 Duma Elections: The State, the Opposition and the Clergy

Orthodoxia ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 111-124
Author(s):  
F. A. Gayda
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
Difficult Situation ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Press ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
First Time ◽  
The Church

This article deals with the political situation around the elections to the State Duma of the Russian Empire in 1912 (4th convocation). The main actors of the campaign were the government, local administration, liberal opposition and the clergy of the Orthodox Russian Church. After the 1905 revolution, the “official Church” found itself in a difficult situation. In particular, anti-Church criticism intensified sharply and was expressed now quite openly, both in the press and from the rostrum of the Duma. A consequence of these circumstances was that in this Duma campaign, for the first time in the history of Russian parliamentarianism, “administrative resources” were widely used. At the same time, the authorities failed to achieve their political objectives. The Russian clergy became actively involved in the election campaign. The government sought to use the conflict between the liberal majority in the third Duma and the clerical hierarchy. Duma members launched an active criticism of the Orthodox clergy, using Grigory Rasputin as an excuse. Even staunch conservatives spoke negatively about Rasputin. According to the results of the election campaign, the opposition was even more active in using the label “Rasputinians” against the Holy Synod and the Russian episcopate. Forty-seven persons of clerical rank were elected to the House — three fewer than in the previous Duma. As a result, the assembly of the clergy elected to the Duma decided not to form its own group, but to spread out among the factions. An active campaign in Parliament and the press not only created a certain public mood, but also provoked a political split and polarization within the clergy. The clergy themselves were generally inclined to blame the state authorities for the public isolation of the Church. The Duma election of 1912 seriously affected the attitude of the opposition and the public toward the bishopric after the February revolution of 1917.

scholarly journals Minister-Permanent Secretary Relationships: Lessons from Zimbabwe’s Government of national Unity

2014 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 23
Author(s):  
Tawanda Zinyama ◽  
Joseph Tinarwo
Keyword(s):  
Public Administration ◽  
Public Service ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Large Degree ◽  
The State ◽  
Team Work ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Unity ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Government

Public administration is carried out through the public service. Public administration is an instrument of the State which is expected to implement the policy decisions made from the political and legislative processes. The rationale of this article is to assess the working relationships between ministers and permanent secretaries in the Government of National Unity in Zimbabwe. The success of the Minister depends to a large degree on the ability and goodwill of a permanent secretary who often has a very different personal or professional background and whom the minster did not appoint. Here lies the vitality of the permanent secretary institution. If a Minister decides to ignore the advice of the permanent secretary, he/she may risk of making serious errors. The permanent secretary is the key link between the democratic process and the public service. This article observed that the mere fact that the permanent secretary carries out the political, economic and social interests and functions of the state from which he/she derives his/her authority and power; and to which he/she is accountable,  no permanent secretary is apolitical and neutral to the ideological predisposition of the elected Ministers. The interaction between the two is a political process. Contemporary administrator requires complex team-work and the synthesis of diverse contributions and view-points.

scholarly journals PERANAN NEGARA DAN HUKUM DALAM MEMBERANTAS KEMISKINAN DENGAN MEWUJUDKAN KESEJAHTERAAN UMUM

2010 ◽  
Vol 40 (3) ◽  
pp. 390
Author(s):  
Yohanes Suhardin
Keyword(s):  
Social Justice ◽  
The State ◽  
Public Welfare ◽  
The Public ◽  
Role Of The State ◽  
Strategic Role ◽  
The Creation ◽  
The Government ◽  
Legal Product

AbstrakThe role of the state in combating poverty is very strategic. Combatingpoverty means to free citizens who are poor. The strategic role given thenational ideals (read: state) is the creation of public welfare. Therefore,countries in this regard the government as the organizer of the state musthold fast to the national ideals through legal product that is loaded withsocial justice values in order to realize common prosperity. Therefore, thenature of the law is justice, then in the context of the state, the lawestablished for the creation of social justice. Law believed that social justiceas the path to the public welfare so that the Indonesian people in a relativelyshort time to eradicate poverty.

scholarly journals Reforming Energy Subsidy in Kuwait: Maximizing Net Benefits and Equity Complying

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. A. Alolayan ◽  
◽  
F. M. Albarrak ◽  
M. H. Abotalib ◽  
M. A. Alshawaf ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Equilibrium Point ◽  
Reading Program ◽  
The State ◽  
Public Acceptance ◽  
The Public ◽  
New Strategy ◽  
Net Benefits ◽  
The Government ◽  
The State Of Kuwait ◽  
Energy Subsidy

The net benefits and public acceptance for a proposed reform to the current subsidization of energy in the State of Kuwait was investigated in this study. The proposed subsidization suggests that the government pays the consumers the subsidization cost in advance and in exchange for raising the subsidized tariffs to full price. The consumption will likely be reduced by a rate equals the over consumption due to the current subsidized tariffs in relative to the income. The net benefits is expected to be maximized and shifted to a pseudo-equilibrium point where both the governments and the consumers will be better off financially. The public acceptance toward the proposed strategy was examined using 274 voluntarily one-to-one interviews for gasoline and 121 for electricity and water. Also, a utilities meters reading program was conducted on 90 houses out of the 121 interviews for utilities. The interviews for gasoline and utilities indicated 57% and 66% of the respondents see no equity in the current subsidization, 55% and 80% admitted to overuse, and 11% and 21% averages of the over consumptions, and 67% and 66% of the respondents were willing to adopt the new strategy. The consumer is expected to save 912 USD/year from gasoline, and 8,198 USD/year from utilities. The estimated net benefits is 5,841 million USD annually with 62% attributed to utilities benefits and 38% to gasoline benefits.

scholarly journals MEMBANGUN AKUNTABILITAS ORGANISASI BANTUAN HUKUM

2013 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 107
Author(s):  
Mosgan Situmorang
Keyword(s):  
Secondary Data ◽  
The State ◽  
Legal Services ◽  
Not Given ◽  
Legal Aid ◽  
State Budget ◽  
The Public ◽  
Primary Material ◽  
The Government ◽  
Secondary Materials

<p>Dalam Undang-Undang Nomor 16 Tahun 2011 tentang Bantuan Hukum dikatakan bahwa pemberi bantuan hukum adalah lembaga bantuan hukum atau organisasi kemasyarakatan yang memberi layanan bantuan hukum. Jasa hukum yang diberikan kepada penerima bantuan hukum adalah cuma-cuma, dalam ar Ɵ mereka Ɵ dak mendapat upah dari pihak yang dibantunya, namun pemerintah akan memberikan dana bantuan untuk se Ɵ ap kasus yang ditangani yang besarnya disesuaikan dengan jenis kasusnya. Dana bantuan tersebut memang Ɵ dak akan diberikan kepada semua organisasi bantuan hukum, tetapi hanya kepada organisasi bantuan hukum yang sudah memenuhi syarat sesuai dengan Undang-Undang Bantuan Hukum. Karena dana tersebut berasal dari Anggaran Pendapatan dan Belanja Negara, maka tentu saja akuntabilitas organisasi bantuan hukum yang menerima dana tersebut harus dapat dipertanggung jawaban kepada masyarakat. Tulisan ini adalah berupa kajian norma Ɵ f, dengan demikian data yang digunakan adalah data sekunder berupa bahan primer yakni peraturan perundang undangan, utamanya Undang-Undang Nomor 16 Tahun 2011 dan undang- undang lain yang terkait serta bahan sekunder berupa bahan kepustakaan dan data dari internet. Dalam peneli Ɵ an ini disimpulkan bahwa Undang- Undang Bantuan Hukum sudah dapat mengan Ɵ sipasi perlunya akuntabilitas organisasi bantuan hukum tapi masih perlu di Ɵ ngkatkan dengan cara membuat aturan-aturan yang mendukung terciptanya akuntabilitas tersebut terutama peraturan mengenai standar bantuan hukum.</p><p>In Law No. 16 Year 2011 regarding Legal Aid, stated that legal aid provider is a legal aid organiza Ɵ on or community organiza Ɵ ons that provide legal aid services. Legal services provided by the legal aid organiza Ɵ on is free in the sense that they do not get paid from those who helped. However, the government will provide fi nancial assistance for each case handled that amount is in accordance with the type of case. The grant is not given to all legal aid organiza Ɵ ons but only to a legal aid organiza Ɵ on that has been quali fi ed in accordance with the Legal Aid Act. Because these funds come from the state budget of course accountability of legal aid organiza Ɵ ons receiving funds must be able to be an answer to the public. This paper is a norma Ɵ ve review, thus the data used are secondary data from the primary material i.e laws and regula Ɵ ons, especially Law No. 16 of 2011 and other laws related and secondary materials in the form of the literature and data from the internet.This study concluded that the Legal Aid Act was able to an Ɵ cipate the need for accountability of legal aid organiza Ɵ ons but it is need to be improved by making rules that favor the crea Ɵ on of accountability mainly standard rules regarding legal aid.</p>

scholarly journals Corruption Crime Eradication by Corruption Eradication Commission Through Red-handed Catch Operation on Bribery Action

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 319-329
Author(s):  
Kamaluddin Abbas
Keyword(s):  
Subject Matter ◽  
Action Control ◽  
The State ◽  
Financial Loss ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
The Public ◽  
A Value ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Government ◽  
Fundamental Consideration

The government has made many laws and regulations, but corruption issues cannot yet be controlled. Police and Prosecuting Attorney Institutions have not yet functioned effectively and efficiently in eradicating corruption. Therefore, the public hopes Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi (KPK)/the Corruption Eradication Commission eliminates the crime. KPK is considerably appreciated by the public due to Operasi Tangkap Tangan (OTT)/Red-handed Catch Operation to many government officials involved in bribery action, but the subject matter thereof is whether the OTT is in line with the fundamental consideration of KPK founding pursuant to Law Number 30 of 2002 as updated by the Law Number 19 of 2019 in order to increase the eradication of corruption crime causing the state's financial loss with respect to people welfare particularly KPK powers pursuant to the provision of Article 11 thereof, among others, specifying that KPK shall be authorized to conduct inquiry, investigation and prosecution on corruption crime related to the state financial loss of at least Rp 1,000,000,000 but in fact many OTTs performed by KPK have a value of hundred million Rupiah only and even there are any cases below Rp 100,000,000.-, and bribery action control through OTT being more dominant if compared to the state's financial corruption is not in line with the primary consideration of KPK founding, and similarly the OTT below 1 billion Rupiah doesn't conform to the provision of Article 11 thereof.

scholarly journals METHODS AND WAYS OF ASSESSMENT OF LOSSES FROM CORRUPTION THEFT IN PUBLIC SECTOR OF ECONOMY

2019 ◽  
pp. 131-141 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sergei Aleksandrovich Konovalenko ◽  
Georgy Ismaylovich Harada ◽  
Nazirkhan Gadzhievich Gadzhiev
Keyword(s):  
Public Sector ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Negative Impact ◽  
The State ◽  
Public Funds ◽  
Public Companies ◽  
Financial Flows ◽  
The Public ◽  
Goods And Services ◽  
The Government

Implementation of the decisions made in the course of management of economic and socio-political development of the state causes the adequate financial flows forming the budgetary sphere of the state. The trouble in this sphere does not allow to provide the necessary level of economic growth, hampers reforming of the economy, makes negative impact on commercial and foreign economic activity, interferes with improvement of monetary and credit, tax, insurance and other spheres of the financial system of the Russian Federation. The offenses connected with corruption and theft of budget funds committed by officials at various levels significantly undermine the authority of the government, cause a growth of discontent of society and impact the social and economic situation in the country. The practice of identifying the offenses connected with theft of public funds and property shows that practically all spheres of the public sector of economy are, to a greater or lesser extent, subject to the risks of such crimes commitment. In this regard, a research of methods and ways of assessment of corruption theft amount in the public sector of the economy is an important and hot topic. The main types of public funds theft have been analyzed, including theft of budget funds allocated in the form of grants for targeted measures; theft by overcharging the prices of goods and services used for the state needs; the acquisition of inventory for personal use of the heads of public companies at the expense of the company, etc. The dynamics of the amount of budget crimes in the Ryazan region has been analyzed. It was inferred that corruption crimes in the public sector of the Ryazan region include fraud, abuse of power, abuse of authority, illegal participation in business, as well as taking bribes. A set of measures for preventing the above crimes has been proposed.

scholarly journals Nós, o outro e os outros: a constituição multiétnica capixaba no caldeirão cultural do Espírito Santo, Brasil

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Cristina Dadalto ◽  
Luis Fernando Beneduzi
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Groups ◽  
Sense Of Belonging ◽  
Power Relations ◽  
The State ◽  
Espírito Santo ◽  
European Immigrants ◽  
The Government ◽  
Espirito Santo ◽  
Lebanese Immigrants ◽  
Political Actions

This paper aims to analyse the multiethnic constitution of Espírito Santo starting from the report book Encontro das Raças, published in 1997 by the journalist Rogério Medeiros. The book presents interviews with narratives of European immigrants and descendants – Pomeranians, Dutch, Italians, Polish, German, Tyrolean, and Swiss. During its historical, socio-cultural and demographic constitution, Espírito Santo also counted with the participation of Syrian and Lebanese immigrants – in the 19th and early 20th centuries – and Asians, as well as national migrants. Medeiros also discusses and presents narratives of the descendants of Africans, Indians and Portuguese who constitute the first matrix of miscegenation of the capixaba people. The purpose of the present study is to reflect on this relationship that Medeiros calls the “Meeting of the Races” from a perspective of the sense of belonging and power relations established between these various ethnic groups settled in the state from 1847, when the government of the province sought alternatives to transform Espírito Santo economically and initiated, through political actions, the process of installing European immigrants in its lands.

The Necropolitics of Documents and the Slow Death of Prisoners in Turkey

2019 ◽  
pp. 97-117
Author(s):  
Başak Can
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Health Condition ◽  
State Violence ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Public ◽  
Penal Institutions ◽  
Multiple State ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Public Sphere

The government used medico-legal documentation of prisoners’ health condition to solve the biopolitical crisis in penal institutions immediately after the end of death fast (2000-2007) and released hundreds of hunger strikers, who suffered from incurable conditions. That the state turned a political crisis into a medical one using the illness clause had unprecedented consequences for how claims are made in the political sphere. Human rights activists, Kurdish and leftist politicians are now using the plight of ill prisoners to make political arguments in the public sphere. The health conditions of political prisoners, specifically the use of the illness clause has thus emerged as one of the most contentious fields in the encounters between the state and its opponents. This chapter examines how temporality works as an instrument of necropolitics through the slow production and circulation of the medico-legal bureaucratic documents that are produced through encounters with multiple state officials. I argue, first, that medico-legal processes surrounding the detainees are mediated through the discretionary sovereign acts of multiple state officials, including but not limited to physicians, and second, that legal medicine as a technology of state violence is central to understanding the intertwined histories of sovereignty and biopolitics in Turkey.

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