India

Author(s):  
Padmini Ray Murray

The Indian branch moved its headquarters from Bombay to New Delhi in 1972, heralding a new dynamism for OUP in India. With Delhi closely overseeing financial and editorial activities in the Calcutta, Madras, and Bombay offices and supervising showrooms in Hyderabad and Bangalore, the Indian branches concentrated on developing strong local educational and academic lists primarily in English, but also in Urdu, Bengali, and other local languages. OUP India operated in a political climate that discouraged imports and favoured indigenous businesses; the branch responded by having titles printed in India and by reinforcing its Indian identity through the publication of prominent Indian intellectuals and academics. The chapter discusses local production standards and costs, general branch finances, changes in branch management, and the relationship with the Press in Oxford.

2021 ◽  
pp. 016344372199453
Author(s):  
Britta Ohm

Understanding the relationship between media and communication as increasingly conflictive under conditions of de-democratization in India, this essay proposes a focus on violence-induced conditionalities of political communication among the affected. I introduce the term ‘media/violence’ as I look at two spaces in North Indian cities that have been turned into ‘Muslim ghettos’ over the past two decades: Jamia Nagar in New Delhi and Juhapura in Ahmedabad (Gujarat). Based on intermittent fieldwork between 2015 and 2020 (partly online), I argue that differences both in the quality of the violence as well as in the interaction between mediated and physical violence executed on the two spaces conditioned long-term options of collective communication (and their absence). The analysis helps us understand how massive political and legal protests could eventually erupt in Jamia Nagar (Shaheen Bagh) in late 2019, while the very reason for protest appears to have eluded residents of Juhapura.


2016 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-27 ◽  
Author(s):  
ROBERT SAMET

AbstractDespite recent attention to the relationship between the media and populist mobilisation in Latin America, there is a misfit between the everyday practices of journalists and the theoretical tools that we have for making sense of these practices. The objective of this article is to help reorient research on populism and the press in Latin America so that it better reflects the grounded practices and autochthonous norms of the region. To that end, I turn to the case of Venezuela, and a practice that has been largely escaped attention from scholars – the use of denuncias.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 3726-3737
Author(s):  
Débora Mara Correa De Azevedo ◽  
Verônica Schmidt

As empresas do setor têxtil têm buscado matérias-primas produzidas em sistemas de produção menos agressivas ao meio ambiente. Nesse contexto, o algodão naturalmente colorido se mostra como uma opção a indústrias e consumidores preocupados com os danos causados ao meio ambiente, especialmente porque essa qualidade de algodão traz alternativas tanto à fase de produção, quanto à de beneficiamento. No Brasil, o algodão naturalmente colorido tem a sua principal produção no Estado da Paraíba, onde está localizado o Arranjo Produtivo Local (APL) das Confecções e Artefatos de Algodão Colorido. O presente estudo tem o objetivo de analisar o constructo confiança no APL do algodão colorido da Paraíba. Para atingir este objetivo foram coletados dados no Estado da Paraíba, mediante entrevistas, aplicação de questionário e observação. Os dados coletados e analisados indicaram que nas empresas de maior projeção a confiança aparece com mais força do que entre os artesãos que não trabalham com confecção de roupas, demonstrando a existência de oportunismos


Unity Journal ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 81-96
Author(s):  
Gaurav Bhattarai

Border disputes between China and India in June 2020 almost lead South Asian countries to take a side. But, Nepal, situated between India and China, has always expressed a stern belief in neutrality and non-alignment. Even though New Delhi doubted Nepal’s neutrality and non-alignment citing China’s growing footprints in Nepal, Kathmandu reckoned such suspicion as the result of a new map row between two countries connected by open borders. While Nepal’s repeated calls to diplomatically resolve India-Nepal border problems remained unheeded by New Delhi, it provided room for the ruling communist party in Nepal to reap geopolitical benefits out of the Sino-Indian dispute. But, interestingly, such geopolitical benefits are usually targeted in tempering Indian influence in Nepal, by getting closer with China. Apprehending the same, this study aims to assess the geopolitical implication of Sino-Indian conflict on the survival strategy of Nepal. To fulfill the same objectives, the Chinese perception of Nepal-India relations, and Indian perception of Sino-Nepal ties have been critically assessed in this study. This study is methodologically based on the information collected from the secondary sources. In order to critically evaluate the geopolitical expression of Sino-Indian conflict in Nepal, this study reviews India’s perception of Nepal-China relations, and China’s perception of Nepal-India relations. Also, the reports and the press releases of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, historical facts, treaties, government reports and decisions have been studied and analyzed. Media sources are also reviewed to understand the diverse narratives produced on the geopolitical reflection of Sino-Indian conflict. The themes that emerged from the reviews are thematically analyzed and interpreted, to discover that cultivating relations with one country at the expense of the other may be counterproductive to Nepal’s survival strategies.


2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ting Wang ◽  
Hanfei Guo ◽  
Jianjun Qiao ◽  
Xiaoxue Liu ◽  
Zhixin Fan

PurposeTo address the lack of data in this field and determine the relationship between the coefficient of friction and the interference between locomotive wheels and axles, this study evaluates the theoretical relationship between the coefficient of friction and the interference under elastic deformation.Design/methodology/approachWhen using numerical analyses to study the mechanical state of the contacting components of the wheels and axle, the interference between the axle parts and the coefficient of friction between the axle parts are two important influencing factors. Currently, as the range of the coefficient of friction between the wheel and axle in interference remains unknown, it is generally considered that the coefficient of friction is only related to the materials of the friction pair; the relationship between the interference and the coefficient of friction is often neglected.FindingsA total of 520 press-fitting experiments were conducted for 130 sets of wheels and axles of the HXD2 locomotive with 4 types of interferences, in order to obtain the relationship between the coefficient of friction between the locomotive wheel and axle and the amount of interference. These results are expected to serve as a reference for selecting the coefficient of friction when designing axle structures with the rolling stock, research on the press-fitting process and evaluations of the fatigue life.Originality/valueThe study provides a basis for the selection of friction coefficient and interference amount in the design of locomotive wheels and axles.


2006 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 456-457
Author(s):  
Reeta Chowdhari Tremblay

Does Civil Society Matter? Governance in Contemporary India, Rajesh Tandon and Ranjita Mohanty, eds., New Delhi: Thousand Oaks, London: Sage Publications, 2003, pp. 363.In the last decade in North America, there has been an explosion of books on the subject of civil society. Like so many other concepts in contemporary political science, the notion of civil society has been imported to analyze other polities outside the North American hemisphere, and India is no exception. However, Tandon and Mohanty's edited book presents a fresh perspective by combining academic analysis with that of on-the-ground practitioners to examine the relationship between civil society and governance. The book is divided into two parts: the first deals with the theoretical conceptualization of civil society and the second with actual case studies.


2018 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 321-346 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Butler

Abstract This article considers the breakdown in discipline in the British Army which occurred in Britain and on the Western Front during the process of demobilization at the end of the First World War. Many soldiers, retained in the army immediately after the Armistice, went on strike, and some formed elected committees, demanding their swifter return to civilian life. Their perception was that the existing demobilization system was unjust, and men were soon organized by those more politically conscious members of the armed forces who had enlisted for the duration of the war. At one stage in January 1919, over 50,000 soldiers were out on strike, a fact that was of great concern to the British civilian and military authorities who miscalculated the risk posed by soldiers. Spurred on by many elements of the press, especially the Daily Mail and Daily Herald, who both fanned and dampened the flames of discontent, soldiers’ discipline broke down, demonstrating that the patriotism which had for so long kept them in line could only extend so far. Though senior members of the government, principally Winston Churchill, and the military, especially Douglas Haig and Henry Wilson, were genuinely concerned that Bolshevism had ‘infected’ the army, or, at the very least, the army had been unionized, their fears were not realized. The article examines the government’s strategy regarding demobilization, its efforts to assess the risk of politicization and manage the press, and its responses to these waves of strikes, arguing that, essentially, these soldiers were civilians first and simply wanted to return home, though, in the post-war political climate, government fears were very real.


2013 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 7
Author(s):  
Barry King ◽  
Allison Oosterman ◽  
Rosser Johnson

THIS ISSUE of Pacific Journalism Review engages with the theme of the dynamics of fame in a small country. In contrast to the dominant focus in the newly emergent field of Celebrity Studies on celebrity as a global phenomenon, the emphasis in this issue is on the interface between the global and the local; on questions of how the distinctiveness of national and local values fares when caught up in or of willingly imitating the circulation of global fame and influence. Accounts of celebrity often focus on the notion of fetishism—the complex process through which specific idols become objects of veneration on whose admirable or even infamous qualities are presented as emanating from the inner recesses of a luminous personality. The importance of this aspect of celebrity and celebrity worship is not to be denied. But there is another feature of celebrity and stardom that complements and energises the engagement of fans, the interest of the general public and the ambitions of the press and media to create and sustain a market for copy. Celebrities and stars are also totems that create a sense of unity, an imagined community. Individuals express and explore a sense of collective identity, define rituals of belonging, separate themselves from others and manage the relationship between society and nature—in the case of celebrities, the nature in question, is most often, human nature (Rojek, 2012, pp. 130-131). In the case of small countries, like New Zealand, the internal impact of Hollywood stars and celebrities on American popular culture is intensified by the fact that the celebrity system is a totemic import. Patterns and processes for rewarding talent and ascribing fame that have reached the acme of intensity in Global Hollywood, interface with locally situated systems of beliefs and values. This might be seen as a process of colonisation—and to an extent it is.


Author(s):  
Radu Bordeianu

Orthodox theologians such as Bulgakov, Florovsky, Afanasiev, Staniloae, and Zizioulas consider eucharistic communion to be the sign of ecclesial unity, but their understandings of the boundaries of the church and unity in love, teaching, episcopacy, and Eucharist (including intercommunion) are varied. This chapter analyses Orthodox understandings of the relationship between the Orthodox Church and the Una Sancta of the creed, considers the ecclesial status of other Christians, and assesses various models of unity, such as ‘all in each place’ (New Delhi, 1961). Unity is conditioned theologically: Christians need to confess the same faith, though uniformity is not the goal. Churches should enjoy unity in love, common service at the altar of the poor (in ‘the liturgy after the liturgy’), synodal decision-making, and communion among local churches represented by their bishops. These forms of unity do not represent successive stages, but they mutually condition each other.


Author(s):  
Ashutosh Bhagwat ◽  
James Weinstein

This chapter focuses on the relationship between freedom of expression and democracy from both a historical and a theoretical perspective. The term ‘freedom of expression’ includes free speech, freedom of the press, the right to petition government, and freedom of political association. Eighteenth-century proponents of popular government had long offered democratic justifications for freedom of expression. The chapter then demonstrates that freedom of political expression is a necessary component of democracy. It describes two core functions of such expression: an informing and a legitimating one. Finally, the chapter examines the concept of ‘democracy’, noting various ways in which democracies vary among themselves, as well as the implications of those variations for freedom of expression. Even before democratic forms of government took root in the modern world.


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