De-Mobilizing a Mobilized Society

2020 ◽  
pp. 91-122
Author(s):  
Dana El Kurd
Keyword(s):  
Social Dynamics ◽  
Political Mobilization ◽  
Qualitative Assessment ◽  
Palestinian Authority ◽  
Mass Mobilization ◽  
Direct Role ◽  
Homogeneous Population ◽  
Complete Control ◽  
Original Dataset ◽  
Society Today

What impact does authoritarianism have on political mobilization? Despite high levels of mass mobilization in the past, Palestinian society today finds itself polarized and demobilized. Concurrently, the Palestinian Authority (PA) has gained control as a governing apparatus, and has become increasingly authoritarian in nature. But, the PA does not have complete control over the territories; its level of control varies based on the Oslo II/Interim Agreements of 1995. This variation in control (over a homogeneous population) allows us to isolate the effect of authoritarianism on mobilization patterns and social dynamics. Using an original dataset and a qualitative assessment of the PA's historical development, I find that mobilization has declined systematically in places where the Palestinian Authority has more direct control. Counter-intuitively, political mobilization today is actually more prevalent in areas under direct Israeli occupation. Findings suggest the PA has a direct role in this dynamic, using selective cooptation and repression. Overall, authoritarian strategies have inhibited social cohesion, and led to a decreased capacity for mobilization.

scholarly journals Ethnic Entrepreneurs and Political Mobilization: Exploring a Case of Tharu-Pahadi Conflict

2015 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 191-208
Author(s):  
Ishwari Bhattarai
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Differences ◽  
Cultural Difference ◽  
Qualitative Data ◽  
Political Mobilization ◽  
Electoral Behavior ◽  
The Other ◽  
Leadership Position ◽  
Ethnic Mobilization ◽  
Ethnic Entrepreneurs ◽  
Society Today

Nepalese society today is witnessing an unprecedented sharpening of ethnic boundaries. In the last couple of decades or so, there have been growing instances of inter-ethnic conflict and clashes. The clash among the Tharus and Pahadi (Bahun-Chhetri) communities that took place in the month of May, 2012 in the Nawalparasi district is one such example. Borrowing the conceptual idea from Fredreick Barth (1995) who critically engages with the question of culture, ethnicity, and contemporary nature of ethnic mobilization, this paper seeks to explore how such conflicts are an epiphenomena of tactical moves carried out what he calls as ‘middle echelon politicians’. Through the qualitative data collected with the help of open-ended interviews and couple of other illustrations, this paper argues that, the contemporary character of ethnic mobilizations in some way or the other, are manipulated by ethnic entrepreneurs who politicize cultural differences, ethnic sentiments, and collective backwardness which often result in violent confrontations. Despite the Tharus being diverse and sharply divided in terms of political allegiance and electoral behavior, the leaders or activists use politics of cultural difference, and attempt to mitigate internal differences, to present a consolidated picture of ethnic unity. Through such actions ethnic leaders or activists selectively mobilize ethnic sentiments and symbols in order to motivate members of an ethnic group and also assume leadership position at both local and national levels.

Why Did It Go So High? Political Mobilization and Agricultural Collectivization in China

2006 ◽  
Vol 187 ◽  
pp. 732-742 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yu Liu
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Land Reform ◽  
Rural China ◽  
High Tide ◽  
Political Mobilization ◽  
Mass Mobilization ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Five Factors ◽  
The Social ◽  
Basic Level

This paper tries to explain the relative lack of resistance during China's agricultural collectivization campaign, in contrast to the Soviet Union experience in which agricultural collectivization encountered much heavier social resistance. Five factors are analysed: the effects of the Land Reform; the innovative class system; the social control system; the basic-level Party apparatus; the legitimizing discourse. Analyses of these factors reveal that the High Tide in rural China was an organizational success: the organizers were dense, cohesive and efficient, the organized were divided, dependent and spatially paralysed, and the two were well connected through historical experiences and symbolic discourse, all of which point to the success of mass mobilization.

When Canvassers Became Activists: Antislavery Petitioning and the Political Mobilization of American Women

2014 ◽  
Vol 108 (3) ◽  
pp. 479-498 ◽  
Author(s):  
DANIEL CARPENTER ◽  
COLIN D. MOORE
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Civil War ◽  
Network Formation ◽  
Political Mobilization ◽  
The Political ◽  
Present Evidence ◽  
American Women ◽  
Original Dataset ◽  
Network Building ◽  
Per Capita

Examining an original dataset of more than 8,500 antislavery petitions sent to Congress (1833–1845), we argue that American women's petition canvassing conferred skills and contacts that empowered their later activism. We find that women canvassers gathered 50% or more signatures (absolute and per capita) than men while circulating the same petition requests in the same locales. Supplementary evidence (mainly qualitative) points to women's persuasive capacity and network building as the most plausible mechanisms for this increased efficacy. We then present evidence that leaders in the women's rights and reform campaigns of the nineteenth century were previously active in antislavery canvassing. Pivotal signers of the Seneca Falls Declaration were antislavery petition canvassers, and in an independent sample of post–Civil War activists, women were four times more likely than men to have served as identifiable antislavery canvassers. For American women, petition canvassing—with its patterns of persuasion and networking—shaped legacies in political argument, network formation, and organizing.

scholarly journals Askese som social/politisk mobilisering: Joseph Alters bog om Gandhi, Gandhi’s Body

2016 ◽  
pp. 63
Author(s):  
Mikael Aktor
Keyword(s):  
Public Health ◽  
Michel Foucault ◽  
Western Medicine ◽  
Fast Food ◽  
Social Dynamics ◽  
Political Mobilization ◽  
Sexual Abstinence ◽  
The Veil ◽  
Will Force

There are several historical examples of asceticism as a means to social and political mobilization. Gandhi’s use of fasts and sexual abstinence in the larger fight for national independence is a well-known recent example. Joseph Alter’s book, Gandhi’s Body: Sex, Diet, and the Politics of Nationalism from 2000 is a relevant source for such considerations. Alter describes Gandhi’s personal experiments with public health, fast, food, sexual abstinence and both traditional and Western medicine in the perspective of national independence. For Gandhi ascetic practices were at the same time personal and for the sake of the nation. He saw his own success in these practices as guarantee of the necessary social and political changes. ‘Truth’ was the keyword in Gandhi’s thinking because he regarded truth as a transforming power. The non-violent resistance will either force injustice to yield or it will force it to reveal its true, violent face. But to activate truth one has to integrate truth in one’s own being. In this Gandhi was in line with an ascetic tradition that has been described by Peter Brown, Michel Foucault and Talal Asad: By eliminating the private I through awareness of hidden desires and through public confession the ascet-ic reaches a state of transparency where the veil between him-/herself and God/Truth is removed. This kind of socially and politically mobilizing asceticism indicates how the ascetic can be a component in a more collective social dynamics.

A Quiet Revolution in State Lobbying: Government Growth and Interest Populations

2020 ◽  
pp. 106591292097549
Author(s):  
James M. Strickland
Keyword(s):  
Interest Groups ◽  
Political Mobilization ◽  
The Political ◽  
State Governments ◽  
Strongly Correlated ◽  
Quiet Revolution ◽  
Government Growth ◽  
Secondary Sources ◽  
Original Dataset ◽  
The 1960S

What explains contemporary numbers of interest groups in America? To answer this question and help address conflicting narratives in research, I examine the rise of interest groups in the states. Assembling an original dataset based on archival and secondary sources, I find that relatively few groups lobbied legislators prior to the 1960s or 1970s. During those decades, numbers of interest groups began to grow rapidly. I find that increases in lawmaking activities present inconsistent effects on the political mobilization of groups but increases in spending are strongly correlated with mobilization. In additional tests, I find that the effects of spending on group numbers vary by state and are not discernible in most states. In general, a historic transformation of state governments helps to account for the growth of state lobbying. Interest groups have remained active in state capitols ever since.

scholarly journals MODEL DAN DAMPAK MOBILISASI POLITIK PEMILIHAN KEPALA DESA (Studi Kasus: Desa Bontomatinggi Kabupaten Maros Sulawesi Selatan Tahun 2016)

2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (4) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
La Ode Muhammad Elwan
Keyword(s):  
Data Analysis ◽  
Research Method ◽  
Qualitative Data ◽  
Political Mobilization ◽  
Mass Mobilization ◽  
Data Analysis Technique ◽  
Analysis Technique ◽  
Successful Team ◽  
Descriptive Approach ◽  
The Impact

The purpose of this study was to determine the impact of village head elections after the implementation of the Bontomatinggi Village Head election in Maros Regency in 2016. The research method used is a qualitative research method with a descriptive approach to analysis and using the theory of political mobilization, data collection using interview, observation and documentation techniques. The data analysis technique used by the author is a qualitative data analysis technique that is by searching and compiling systematically from the results of interviews, observations and documentation and then selecting the data needed and making conclusions that are easy to understand.Based on the results of the study, direct and indirect mobilization models and the impacts that occurred in the community after the election of Maros Regency Bontomatinggi Village Chief occurred several models such as socialization of village head candidates, mass mobilization, open campaign (direct mobilization model) and dialogical campaigns conducted from home to home (direct mobilization model). The impact of the model and after the election is that there is an unnatural mobilization model such as intimidation and threats to voters, giving facilities and money politics, black campaigns and spreading slander. Some of the factors that influence the voters' decision to elect a village head are the lack of education level of the community, mobilized communities are afraid that there will be violence and utterances of hatred from the candidates and the successful team if they do not follow their wishes. Keywords : Political Mobilization Model, the impact of village head elections

scholarly journals Overcoming constraints of scaling: Critical and empirical perspectives on agricultural innovation scaling

PLoS ONE ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (5) ◽  
pp. e0251958
Author(s):  
Million Gebreyes ◽  
Kindu Mekonnen ◽  
Peter Thorne ◽  
Melkamu Derseh ◽  
Aberra Adie ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Social Relations ◽  
Social Dynamics ◽  
Agricultural Research ◽  
Qualitative Assessment ◽  
Current Debate ◽  
Generation Process ◽  
Agricultural Innovation ◽  
Technical Requirements ◽  
The Social ◽  
Agricultural Innovations

Scaling is a ubiquitous concept in agricultural research in the global south as donors require their research grantees to prove that their results can be scaled to impact upon the livelihoods of a large number of beneficiaries. Recent studies on scaling have brought critical perspectives to the rather technocratic tendencies in the agricultural innovations scaling literature. Drawing on theoretical debates on spatial strategies and practical experience of agricultural innovation scaling in Ethiopia, this paper adds to the current debate on what constitutes scaling and how to overcome critical scaling constraints. The data for the paper came from a qualitative assessment using focus group discussions, key informant interviews, and document analysis on scaling work done in Ethiopia by a USAID-funded research for development project. The paper concludes with four broad lessons for the current understating of agricultural innovation scaling. First, scaling of agricultural innovations requires a balanced focus on technical requirements and associated social dynamics surrounding scaling targets, actors involved and their social relations. Second, appreciating the social dynamics of scaling emphasizes the fact that scaling is more complex than a linear rolling out of innovations towards diffusion. Third, scaling may not be strictly planned; instead, it might be an extension of the innovation generation process that relies heavily on both new and long-term relationships with key partners, trust, and continuous reflection and learning. Fourth, the overall implication of the above three conclusions is that scaling strategies need to be flexible, stepwise, and reflective. Despite the promises of flourishing scaling frameworks, scaling strategies it would appear from the Africa RISING experience that, if real impact is to be achieved, approaches will be required to be flexible enough to manage the social, processual and emergent nature of the practice of scaling.

Modeling Democratic Transitions

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Terence Teo
Keyword(s):  
Collective Action ◽  
Political Mobilization ◽  
Third Wave ◽  
Mass Mobilization ◽  
Democratic Transitions ◽  
The Third ◽  
Transitions To Democracy ◽  
Distributive Conflict ◽  
Mass Protest ◽  
Prairie Fire

This chapter examines why some democratic transitions were driven by mass mobilization, while others appeared to be predominantly elite processes, with a greater role for international influences as well. It first outlines core theoretical arguments about the way authoritarian regimes and the capacity for collective action influence transitions to democracy before discussing some statistical modeling of transitions during the Third Wave. Contrary to “prairie fire” models of political mobilization, this chapter shows that enduring social organizations play a major role in fomenting the mass protest that drives distributive conflict transitions, particularly unions and ethnonationalist organizations. Moreover, it provides evidence that these factors do not give us purchase in explaining elite-led transitions.

scholarly journals The evolution of warfare in Africa

Afrika Focus ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
William Reno
Keyword(s):  
Key Words ◽  
Armed Conflict ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
Radical Change ◽  
Political Mobilization ◽  
Social Spaces ◽  
Mass Mobilization ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Structures ◽  
Conflict In Africa

It is widely noted that armed conflict in Africa has evolved away from the prominence of insurgencies that are able to mobilize supporters around political programs in favor of more fragmented organizations in the service of their leaders’ quests for power and wealth. The causes of this shift are found in changes in the domestic politics of African states that have taken place in recent decades. Regime strategies to disorganize and co-opt opponents and to suppress mass political mobilization have restricted the social spaces in which ideologues formerly organized and recruited cadres. Emigration among educated groups that previously supplied the bulk of insurgent leaders and cadres further reduces the influence of these groups. Alongside these changes, the development of parallel political structures that are rooted in the control of commerce channels resources to new leaders who lead insurgencies to establish their own dominance in this system of politics. This competition crowds out remaining ideologues who would pursue a vision of more radical change. Key words: conflict, insurgency, ideology, mass mobilization 

State, sport and resistance: A case of Palestinian sports clubs in the West Bank

2019 ◽  
Vol 55 (7) ◽  
pp. 915-932 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dorota Woroniecka-Krzyzanowska
Keyword(s):  
West Bank ◽  
State Building ◽  
Political Mobilization ◽  
Military Occupation ◽  
Palestinian Authority ◽  
The West ◽  
Sports Clubs ◽  
Oslo Accords ◽  
National Effort ◽  
Israeli Occupation

The article explores the intersections between sport, state and resistance in the context of military occupation and independence struggle. Based on a year of fieldwork in the local sports clubs in the West Bank, it analyses how sport may be used as a tool of resistance and state-building on the community level. For decades preceding the establishment of the Palestinian Authority in 1994, sport and youth centres were important sites of socio-political mobilization and took an active part in the national effort to build structures independent from the Israeli occupation. Following the Oslo Accords, state-building became institutionalized and outsourced to the emergent central institutions of the Palestinian Authority. The article analyses this transition from the perspective of local clubs that went from being active actors of state-building through sport to being subjects of the Palestinian Authority’s efforts to consolidate its state-like powers. To understand how local sport activists made sense of these changes, the distinction between a bottom-up and a top-down approach to state-building through sport is made. The article aims to contribute to the ongoing debates on the use of sport in the service of nation state, by investigating the case of state-building through sport in the context of military occupation.

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