The Conspiratorial Style in Turkish Politics

Author(s):  
Türkay Salim Nefes

The “deep state” conspiracy theory is evergreen in Turkish politics. Why is it so popular, and why do political elites continually turn to different forms of this conspiracy theory? This chapter focuses on an amorphous but significant conspiracy theory, the deep state, which argues that a clandestine elite group is determined to defend the Turkish state ideology and the political stability by legal, and often illegal, means. While all political parties in the Turkish parliament talk about the existence of the deep state, they do not agree on who it is, largely because of their contradictory partisan interests. This creates incompatible definitions of the deep state, which cannot convince all parties. In short, partisan conflict ensures the continuity of the deep state conspiracy theory.

Author(s):  
Mark Bovens ◽  
Anchrit Wille

How can we remedy some of the negative effects of diploma democracy? First, we discuss the rise of nationalist parties. They have forced the mainstream political parties to pay more attention to the negative effects of immigration, globalization, and European unification. Next we discuss strategies to mitigate the dominance of the well-educated in politics. We start with remedies that address differences in political skills and knowledge. Then we discuss the deliberative arenas. Many democratic reforms contain an implicit bias towards the well-educated. A more realistic citizenship model is required. This can be achieved by bringing the ballot back in, for example, by merging deliberative and more direct forms of democracy through deliberative polling, corrective referendums, and more compulsory voting. The chapter ends with a discussion of ways to make the political elites more inclusive and responsive, such as descriptive representation, sortition, and plebiscitary elements.


2021 ◽  
pp. 254-268
Author(s):  
Nikolai N. Morozov

This chapter combines an analysis of the party-political system of post-communist Romania with the impressions of a direct witness to the most important historical events in the country, tracing the political evolution of Romania over the 30 years after the December revolution of 1989, which led to the overthrow of the totalitarian regime of Ceauşescu. A review of political parties and alliances is presented, which may be of practical benefit to researchers working on this period in Romanian history. On the basis of numerous sources and direct interviews with Romanian politicians, some specific characteristics of the political process in the country are identified. An attempt has been made to show the mechanisms of political power that have emerged since the collapse of the former totalitarian system.


Subject Government-business relations. Significance President Evo Morales’s government has established a collaborative working relationship with the country’s most powerful business elites that belies its leftist rhetoric. This is based on an understanding that while government offers large corporate interests favourable economic conditions, business groups will refrain from conspiring against the government in the political sphere. Thus, the government has managed to minimise the sort of pro-regional tensions that characterised its first term in office (2006-10), driving a wedge between economic and political elites. Impacts The economic policies pursued by the Morales administration will continue to prove, broadly, good for business. Smaller-scale businesses have been less beneficially treated, but lack political lobbying power. Avoidance of strife with the more powerful business groups will continue to help underpin political stability.


1999 ◽  
Vol 31 (4) ◽  
pp. 631-656 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicole F. Watts

Preventing the development of an ethnic Kurdish cultural and political movement has been a priority of the Turkish state since the Kurdish-led Shaykh Said Rebellion of 1925.' Nevertheless, beginning around 1959 this effort was steadily if slowly undermined, and events of the past ten years suggest that it has indeed failed. Not only have Kurdish activists gained some measure of international recognition for themselves and for the concept of Kurdish ethnic rights,2 but promoting the notion of specifically Kurdish cultural rights has almost become a standard litany for a wide array of Turkish civic and state actors, from Islamist political parties to business organizations, human-rights groups, prime ministers, and mainstream newspaper columnists. Although the separatist Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) and its insurgency against Turkey have claimed a great deal of academic and popular attention, it is these diffuse but public re-considerations of minority rights taking place within legitimate Turkish institutions have contributed the most to the sense that past policies of coping with the “Kurdish reality” are ultimately unsustainable, and that it may be difficult, if not impossible, to return to the climate of earlier years, when discussions of ethnic difference were suppressed, limited to the private realm, or confined to the fringes of radical politics.


1975 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 397-414 ◽  
Author(s):  
K. Z. Paltiel

ANALYSTS OF THE ISRAELI POLITICAL SYSTEM HAVE COMMONLY attributed the stability of the polity to factors closely associated with the role played by the various Israeli parties in the state's economic and social life, and/or to the existence of a dominant, institutionalized state-building party. The consociational approach ought to help to clarify those factors which have maintained the stability of the coalition system which has governed the state of Israel since its establishment in 1948 and whose roots may be traced back as far as 1933 and even earlier.The consociational model and the theory of elite accommodation have been elaborated in an effort to explain the maintenance of continuing political stability in what at first glance would appear to be societies deeply divided along social, economic, ethnic, religious and ideological lines. Political stability in fragmented societies from this standpoint rests on the overarching commitment of the political elites to the preservation and maintenance of the system and their readiness to cooperate to this end.


2017 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 819
Author(s):  
Durmuş Ali Arslan ◽  
Ahmet Çağrıcı ◽  
Mustafa Albayrak

Political parties and political elites are the basic elements of the democratic system. These two political and social phenomena play a decisive role in shaping the political and social structure of the country as well as in the shaping of individual political attitudes and behaviour. The most common forms of social political organization in contemporary societies are political parties. In this respect, political parties can be shortly defined as political organizations organized around the ideal of playing a decisive role in political and social life and whose ultimate goals are to reach power. In democratic societies, political parties are the most important means of political socialization and participation in the political process.In the western societies, the elite word that has been used in daily life since the 17th century. Its sociological meaning is rather different than daily life meaning. In essence, the elite can be defined as individuals who have institutional power, are in a position to control social resources, have the ability to directly or indirectly influence the decision-making process, and can fulfill their wishes and objectives in spite of their opponents. There are many elite groups in society. Political elites also form one of the most active elite groups in the social structure. Deputies and political leaders are also the most basic components of this elite group.The Democratic Party is one of the most important political parties of Turkish political life. This party holds the privilege of being the most important representative of the right of center-right politics in Turkey; Adnan Menderes also has a privileged political identity in Turkey as being the most important leader of the center-right politics tradition. Even the Democratic Party is regarded as a representative of the transition to multi-party political life in Turkey. The Democratic Party, legendary leader Adnan Menderes and the Democratic Party MPs, identified with the name party, have not only remained the pioneers of multi-party democratic life in the country; With the transition to multi-party life, they have played a decisive role in Turkey's change process and in the social and political life of the country.The Democratic Party as a political institution and Adnan Menderes, a political elite-leader have to be well known in order to understand and explain the political-social change and transformation that Turkey has experienced since about three quarters of a century. It was aimed to sociologically examine Adnan Menderes as an important political leader and political elite, and the Democratic Party, one of the most important political institutions of Turkish political life, from a historical perspective. The research is mainly designed as a descriptive sociological study type. ÖzetSiyasi partiler ve siyasi elitler, demokratik sistemin en temel unsurlarındandır. Bu iki siyasal ve toplumsal olgu, bireylerin siyasi tutum ve davranışlarının şekillenmesinde de olduğu kadar ülkenin siyasi ve toplumsal yapısının şekillenmesinde de belirleyici rol oynar. Günümüz toplumlarında en yaygın toplumsal siyasal örgütlenme biçimi siyasi partilerdir. Bu yönüyle siyasi partiler kısaca, siyasal ve toplumsal hayatta belirleyici rol oynamak ideali etrafında örgütlenmiş ve nihai hedefleri iktidara ulaşmak olan siyasi örgütler olarak tanımlanabilir. Demokratik toplumlarda siyasi partiler, en önemli siyasi sosyalizasyon ve siyasal sürece katılım araçlarıdır.Batı toplumlarında, 17. yüzyıldan bu yana günlük dilde kullanılmaya başlanan elit sözcüğü ise sosyolojik olarak günlük dilde kullanıldığında daha farklı anlam ifade eder. Çok öz olarak elit, kurumsal iktidara sahip, toplumsal kaynakları kontrol edebilecek konumda bulunan, karar verme sürecini doğrudan veya dolayı olarak ciddi bir şekilde etkileme yeteneğine sahip, karşıtlarına rağmen istek ve amaçlarını gerçekleştirebilen birey(ler) olarak tanımlanabilir. Toplumda çok sayıda elit grubu vardır. Siyasi elitler de toplumsal yapı içindeki, en etkin elit gruplarından birini oluştururlar. Milletvekilleri ve siyasi liderler de bu elit grubunun en temel bileşenlerini oluştururlar.Demokrat Parti (DP), Türk siyasal hayatının en önemli siyasi partilerinden biri konumundadır. Bu parti Türkiye’de merkez sağ siyaset geleneğinin, Cumhuriyet döneminde ilk ve önemli temsilcisi olma ayrıcalığını elinden tutarken; lideri Türkiye’de merkez sağ siyaset geleneğini temsil eden önemli bir siyasal elittir. Dahası Demokrat Parti, Türkiye’de çok partili siyasi yaşama geçişin temsilcisi olarak da kabul edilir. Demokrat Parti, ismi partisi ile özdeşleşmiş efsanevi lideri Adnan Menderes ve Demokrat Parti milletvekilleri, yalnızca ülkede çok partili demokratik hayatın öncü isimleri olmakla kalmamışlar; çok partili yaşama geçişle birlikte Türkiye’nin değişim sürecine yön vermiş ve ülkenin toplumsal-siyasal hayatında belirleyici rol oynamışlardır.Bir siyasal kurum olarak Demokrat Parti’yi ve bir siyasi elit-lider olarak Adnan Menderes’i iyi anlamadan, Türkiye’nin yaklaşık üççeyrek asırdan beridir yaşadığı siyasal - toplumsal değişim ve dönüşümü anlamlandırmak ve açıklamak mümkün değildir. Bu realiteden yola çıkarak çalışmada, önemli bir siyasi lider ve bir siyasi elit olarak Adnan Menderes ile Türk siyasal yaşamının önemli siyasi kurumlarından biri olan Demokrat Parti’nin, tarihsel bir perspektiften, sosyolojik olarak incelenmesi hedeflenmiştir. Araştırma ağırlıklı olarak betimleyici - deskriptif bir sosyolojik çalışma türünde tasarlanmıştır.


2016 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 161-174
Author(s):  
Purushotam Marattha

The political parties of Nepal have never been able to move as an engine of social transformation process, much like their inability to give a stable government. After replacing the Party-less regimes, with them multiparty system the country has mainly witnessed drawbacks of parliamentary system. The political parties have failed to promote democracy and they have hammered on the root of constitution. However, a new constitution was demanded through a Constituent Assembly (CA) and after nearly a decade long exercise, the constitution of Nepal, 2015, was promulgated on September20, 2015. Since that period Nepal has formally entered into a Federal Republican Nation. The new constitution has covered all the achievements of Second People's Movement (SPM).Since then the federal republican constitution has been completely setup in Nepal. This constitution has institutionalized the federal democratic republican setup and it has opened the rooms for amendment, where as the constitution of the Kingdom of Nepal, 1990 was not amended even a single article for the last many years. Writing the constitution through the CA was a great achievement of Nepal. During the constitution declaration period major political forces like Big-3 NC, CPNUML and UCPNM showed their highest degree of Unity. The new constitution was passed by more than two thirds majority in the CA. But the Conflict about the number of States (Pradesh) is hampering the stability of the present new constitution. The dissolved CA-2 has not been able to settle all the political conflicts. The on going Madhes agitation deepen into the another constitutional crisis. Tarai based parties like Samyukta LoktantrikMadhesi Morcha (SLMM), an alliance of four parties has joined the parliamentary process. Earlier SLMM has obstructed and paralyzed border area with an unseen support of southern neighbor. Daily general strike of SLMM and closure of industries at border points has led to soft state syndrome in Nepal.


2015 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 713-739 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hermann Pünder

Throughout the world, there is debate about how democratic systems should adapt to the demands of their increasingly emancipated citizenries. More than ever, people desire to take part in the creation of their life circumstances. The demand for participation is paired with a growing discontent with the political elites. This article looks at the challenges in the context of Germany's system of government, discussing the leading debates of democratic reform in the EU's largest member state with some incidental remarks on other countries. Specifically, the study analyzes two core components of representative democracy—the electoral process and the parliamentary decision-making procedure—and shows how they should be reformed to ensure political stability in the long run. As a measure for the analysis, the author develops a system of four preconditions, on which successful democratic government depends: Responsiveness and political leadership on the side of the elected representatives; preparedness for participation and acceptance on the part of the represented. The article shows that optimizing democracy on the basis of these pillars is not just advisable as a matter of political prudence. In fact, Germany's constitution, the Basic Law, contains a normative expectation towards the political elites that they continuously improve democracy and ensure its appropriate functioning.


2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 151-162
Author(s):  
Hamsa Kahtan Khalaf

Abstract The Iraqi political parties had been affected since 2003 by the political pivotal transformations which happened according to the aftermaths of democratic elections , especially under the disruptions of American’s invasion that led in cooperation with its allies in April 2003 .So the social and political situations became ruling according to the new aspects of practicing the new stage of authority as compromise settlements and quota and ethno - sectarian distribution to be as following as compatible with theory of practicing the authority responsibilities(Power sharing ) as what happened now , besides to that all political democracy scene has greatly been distorted because of the instability penetrated within rebuilding the state and its institutions from the beginning as planned by an active powerful political forces . Many functions that are characterized by competitions among the political parties had changed the concepts of exercising democracy in a real way to be done an effective shape ,because of the political and social actors had different role ,which were being a reflection of another reality within the democracy’s process .So that all the situations had been complicated too much owing to the factors of political instability that influenced negatively on the framework of the state , especially the impacts of economic and social factors as of poverty, stagnation , ignorance and disease and another underdevelopment features which predominated over political and social retrogression levels . In addition to that the absence of an efficient administrative elites , which appeared recently under different conditions and circumstances .So it was became very obviously as we know precisely that democracy’s process in Iraq since 2003 was comprehensively undemocratic in practicing because the political forces have not democratic culture that encourage the dialogue to solve all pending problems , and have not abundant tolerance to accept the differences of others parties yet . The phenomenon of the political instability has divided into different varieties by which scattering among the addresses of suspicion and it definitely has a sectarian discourse dimension in case of dealing among each other . So these addresses and dialogues were being away from the political national conformity correctly , because of there was something like definitely as the exclusion and marginalization discourses in order to narrowing any active political party within the political process try to do pro - active role to settle all pending crises . Furthermore , the reality of political life has been under the continuous crises and conflicts over an authority along time not to gain gradually the outcomes of procurement during application the constitution clauses and valid laws , in order to preserving the political stability and to be done more far from the national unity fragmentation and the weakness of political institutions . Finally , we need too much time to reach into condition of stability , especially after opening anew spaces toward active real participation , and because there was a growing need for educated people who could administer the society and the state institutionally by existing strong government, and ultimately peoples will have ability to form new political governing elites later.


Author(s):  
Yu. V. Kobets ◽  
T. B. Madryha

During the period of complexity of systemic reforms in modern Ukraine, the big importance of the qualities and actions of the political elite become on the first hand. Еhe ability to fulfill urgent tasks of democratic arrangement of different spheres of social life depends on these qualities and actions of the political elite. The article analyzes the problem of the quality of the political elite in Ukraine. The article proves the importance of forming a professional, effective, active, qualitative elite in the conditions of state building. The basic ideas of the founders of elitology are described, the content of the concepts "elite", "establishment", "political class" is revealed. The conclusions about the main stages of formation of political elites in Ukraine are made. It is proved that the process of forming a truly leading elite group is underway, which can unite the political, economic and cultural revival of our state.


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