The Mytilenaian Peraia and the Aktaian Cities

2019 ◽  
pp. 155-198
Author(s):  
Aneurin Ellis-Evans

This chapter explores the relationship between Lesbos and Anatolia by examining Mytilene’s relationship with communities in the coastal Troad and Aiolis before and after Athens confiscated its mainland territorial possessions (the peraia) in 427 BC. It is argued that Mytilene, like many other Aegean islands with peraiai, actively suppressed polis status in these off-island territories in the Troad and Aiolis so as to extract greater profit from them. This provides another example of an unequal form of regional integration to complement that which was discussed in Chapter 3, and also helps explain how Mytilene was in a position to attempt to dominate all of Lesbos through an enforced synoikism in 428. A reconsideration of the evidence of the Athenian tribute assessment decrees from 425/4 and 422/1 suggests that, by contrast with how the Mytilenaians had treated these communities, the Athenian Empire actively encouraged them to become poleis so as to disrupt any future attempt by the rebellious Mytilenaians to reconstitute the peraia. While the political relationship between Mytilene and the mainland was therefore very different post-427, numismatic evidence shows that it still maintained a vibrant commercial network on the mainland. Mytilene’s relationship with the mainland therefore did not end in 427 but rather transformed.

2021 ◽  
pp. 147488512110496
Author(s):  
Aurelian Craiutu ◽  
Stefan Kolev

A review essay of key works and trends in the political thought of Central and Eastern Europe, before and after 1989. The topics examined include the nature of the 1989 velvet revolutions in the region, debates on civil society, democratization, the relationship between politics, economics, and culture, nationalism, legal reform, feminism, and “illiberal democracy.” The review essay concludes with an assessment of the most recent trends in the region.


2021 ◽  
pp. 0094582X2110293
Author(s):  
Tatiana Berringer

An analysis of the relationship between classes and class fractions and Mercosur under the PT (Workers’ Party) governments suggests that the transition from the open regionalism of the 1990s to the multidimensional regionalism of the 2000s and the crisis of the latter were linked to the overlap between the regional integration mechanisms Unasur and Mercosur and the social base of the neodevelopmentalist front. Multidimensional regionalism went into crisis after 2012, when the country began to suffer the impact of the 2008 financial crisis and changes in international politics and when the political process that culminated in the 2016 coup began. Uma análise da relação entre as classes e frações de classe e o Mercosul dos governos PT sugere que a transição do regionalismo aberto dos anos 1990 para o regionalismo multidimensional dos anos 2000 e a crise deste últimoestão ligados à imbricação entre os processos de integração regional, Unasur e Mercosur, e a base social da frente neodesenvolvimentista. O regionalismo multidimensional entrou em crise a partir de 2012 quando o país começou a sofrer mais o impacto da crise financeira de 2008 e das transformações na política internacional e iniciou-se o processo político que culminou no golpe de 2016.


2018 ◽  
Vol 9 (05) ◽  
pp. 20460-20471
Author(s):  
Halgr N. Tairo ◽  
Prof. Dr. Celal Nazım İREM

The impact of KRG (Kurdish Regional Government) of Iraq on the relationships between Turkey and Iraq has been analyzed in this study. This study has examined the political relationship between Turkey, Iraq and KRG and the impact of economic relations on the political relations between Turkey, Iraq and KRG as well. The researcher has implemented the most applicable literature for collecting all the data which are belong to this research. This study used quantitative and qualitative methods in order to gather and examine information. Furthermore, this project has applied Neoliberal theory for analyzing data. A representative from Iraqi Kurdish representative in Erbil has been interviewed by the researcher in order to get benefit from his experience and knowledge concerning Turkish and Iraqi Kurdish relations. After finishing this project and analyzing the existing data with results the investigator determined that there is a strong bound between established literature and results. This study concludes that there is a strong relationship between Turkey and KRG in last decade. In contrast, the relationships of Turkey and Iraq have gotten worse due to KRG and Turkey relations since 2010.  One of the most efficacious factors which influence positively on the relationship between Turkish and KRG are the business interchanging including trade and Foreign Direct Investment (FDI).


1989 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 34-55 ◽  
Author(s):  
John L. Bullion

The effects of the intense personal and political relationship between the young George III and his “dearest friend,” the earl of Bute, are well known to scholars of eighteenth-century Britain. The prince's affection and respect raised Bute, an obscure though well-connected Scottish nobleman, to the highest offices of state and to the absolute pinnacle of power. The earl's instruction and advice governed George's reactions to men and measures from 1755 until 1763. Even after Bute's influence waned following his resignation as First Lord of the Treasury, the lingering suspicions at Whitehall and Westminster that the king still listened to him in preference to others complicated relations between George III, his ministers, and Parliament.This article examines the origins of the friendship between the king and the earl, and the features of it that strengthened and preserved their attachment during the 1750s. These are questions that have not engaged the attention of many students of the period. The long shadow the relationship cast over politics during the 1760s has intrigued far more historians than its beginnings. They have been content to leave efforts to understand that subject to Sir Lewis Namier, who was inclined toward making psychological judgments of eighteenth-century politicians, and John Brooke, who was compelled to do so by the demands of writing a biography of George III. Both of these men asserted that the personal and affectionate aspects of the connection between the prince and Bute far outweighed the political and ideological during its early years. Their arguments have evidently convinced historians of politics to pass over what made Bute “my dearest friend” and press on to matters they assumed to be more relevant to their interests. The concern of this essay is to demonstrate that this assumption is incorrect. It will show that political and ideological considerations were in fact utterly crucial to this friendship at its inception and throughout its development during the 1750s, with consequences which profoundly affected the political history of the first decade of George III's reign. A mistaken reliance on works by Namier and Brooke has prevented scholars from perceiving these realities. Thus it is necessary to begin by pointing out the serious flaws in their interpretations.


2020 ◽  
pp. 203-240
Author(s):  
Joel P. Christensen

This chapter presents an analysis of the political situation in Ithaca. A clearer picture of the political situation may allow one to see the Ithacan people as suffering from a collective trauma, which partly explains their behavior before and after Odysseus's return. Of utmost importance is that the families of the suitors assemble, debate, and about half decide to avenge themselves on Odysseus. This conflict contains the overlay of several types of discourse that touch upon justice, the nature of politics, and the relationship between the individual and the state. The reading offers a new extended treatment of the politics of the Odyssey, which forces one to reconsider the heroic presentation of Odysseus by the poet (and by himself). The chapter then examines the sudden surprising closure of the epic from the perspective of modern studies in political amnesties.


Author(s):  
Frédéric Grare

The search for greater connectivity with Southeast Asia is driving the evolution of the relationship between India and Myanmar. A partnership with Naypyidaw could help India’s integration with the more dynamic economies of Southeast Asia as well as with the dynamic Yunnan province in China. In doing so, India also expects to contain China’s influence in Myanmar. Transport infrastructure projects, including the Kaladan Multi-Modal Transit Transport Project, are being developed in Myanmar that may help India achieve its objectives. But numerous obstacles including ethnic conflicts in the country as well as relative mistrust between New Delhi and Naypyidaw may inhibit regional integration through Myanmar. India moreover faces competition from countries with much larger capacities such as Japan and the United States, which on one hand may help diminish China’s influence but also diminish the political space available for India.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 91-109 ◽  
Author(s):  
Youssef Mohammad Sawani

This paper examines the origin and the relationship between Islamist and non-Islamist political trends in Libya, highlighting the development of the contestation between the two before and after the fall of Gaddafi’s rule. The relationship appears to be that of a contestation between Islamists and liberals but this may be misleading. Islamists are not united but they share an adherence to the establishment of a Muslim society and some form of a khilafa. However, non-Islamists may not easily be identified as “on current.” Indeed, the “current” includes an array of political factions of various dispensations with some not necessarily subscribing to liberal models of democracy. Some belong to pre-Gaddafi-era political parties or were political and human rights’ activists during Gaddafi’s reign. They range from leftist, nationalist, and liberal orientations to populist Arab nationalist forces (including the Ba’th, Pan-Arabists, and others with socialist or communist orientations). When the uprising took place in 2011, the positions each trend took differed before some tactical unity was deemed necessary. When the regime fell, however, differences remerged and became more evident once the transitional structures were put in place. Just before and during the first elections in 2012, Islamists broke ranks with their struggle comrades and fired their cannons at the leaders of the liberal, nationalist, and other elements within the non-Islamist orientations. Islam then became crucial in political expression and rhetoric, especially for Islamist actors. Focusing on the development of this contestation, this paper analyzes the reaction of both Islamist and non-Islamist trends to the policies and tactics adopted by each side in the aftermath of the 2011 uprising and the post-Gaddafi phase. It suggests that although ideology, specifically references to Islam, became crucial in the political contention between Islamists and non-Islamists, the cleavage was not entirely ideological, as both trends considered the Islamic identity of Libya central to their political programs. The interviews with leading representatives of both trends that the author conducted for the purpose of writing this article confirm such a view on the role of ideology in the contestation. As the following discussion indicates, ideology is evidently part and parcel of each sides’ tools, ready to be employed against the other. However, when it does not suit all their purposes, they claim ideology has no role, offering insights into the instrumental and tactical approach to the ongoing contestation of both sides. The article therefore examines the struggle between the two factions as a political competition for the control of resources and positions of power, yet it also argues that ideology and ideas have a role to play, as they constitute the instruments deployed in this struggle, which has, with foreign involvement and backing of different sides, reduced Libya to a “failed state.” In fact although ideological contraposition figures in the contestation, political factionalism and contention in post-2011 were actually fuelled by political factors related to the struggle over access to power and resources, which are instrumental in enabling each side to shape the future state and its political order according to their plans. The struggle between Islamists and non-Islamists may have been the most visible, but it is certainly not the most significant factor in explaining the political dynamics and contention in the country since the fall of Gaddafi.


Author(s):  
David Abulafia

The relationship between Rome and the Mediterranean was already changing significantly before the fall of Carthage and of Corinth. This relationship took two forms. There was the political relationship: it was clear before the Third Punic War that the Roman sphere of influence extended to Spain in the west and to Rhodes in the east, even when the Roman Senate did not exercise direct dominion over the coasts and islands. Then there was the commercial relationship that was creating increasingly close bonds between Rome’s merchants and the corners of the Mediterranean. Yet the Senate and the merchants were distinct groups of people. Like Homer’s heroes, Roman aristocrats liked to claim that they did not sully their hands in trade, which they associated with craft, peculation and dishonesty. How could a merchant make a profit without lies, deception and bribes? Rich merchants were successful gamblers; their fortune depended on taking risks and enjoying luck. This condescending attitude did not prevent Romans as eminent as the Elder Cato and Cicero from commercial dealings, but naturally these were effected through agents, most of whom were Romans in a new sense. As it gained control of Italy, Rome offered allied status to the citizens of many of the towns that fell under its rule, and also established its own colonies of army veterans. ‘Romanness’ was thus increasingly detached from the experience of living in Rome and, besides, only part of the population of the city counted as Roman citizens, with the right to vote, a right denied to women and to slaves. There may have been about 200,000 slaves in Rome around 1 BC , about one-fifth of the total population. Their experience forms an important part of the ethnic history of the Mediterranean. Captives from Carthage and Corinth might be set to work in the fields, having to endure a harsh existence far from home, ignorant of the fate of their spouses and children. Iberian captives were put to work in the silver mines of southern Spain, in unspeakable conditions.


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 14
Author(s):  
Lucas Cunha Braga ◽  
Tammyse Araújo Da Silva

This research talks about the need of a precision landing system also known in Brazil as ILS CAT III. It will approach if what motivates such implementation is the political or the economic bias and what is the relationship with the awards to the related private companies. In order to check the true need of the device to the country, it's necessary to acknowledge some barriers that we face when implementing this kind of device. The goals of this study are to present the concept and the history of this system, since its creation to the precision categories. Besides that, it will be shown comparative data from the airports before and after the implementation of the ILS, observing the results of such measure. The study also has as a goal to present the spending and the methods used for the homologation, certification and maintenance of the system by the regulatory bodies. The methodology is based in literature review structured in books, scientific articles, reports, Brazilian resolutions and regulations. It's expected that with this research we can prove or not the true need of the ILS CAT III to Brazil towards the predominant weather conditions in the domestic airfields, the current political and economic scenario and the questions about concession and privatization of Brazilian airports. In view of the following research, it was found that ILS CAT III in Brazil doesn’t have a cost-benefit of real viability, both for national airlines and for airports that would have to implement this system, given that a few hours throughout the year requires this type of operation, being more viable to them the expense with passengers before the resolution 141 of the ANAC.


2014 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 114-119
Author(s):  
Judit Csizmásné Tóth

Agricultural strategy has always played a major role in the development of agriculture. Its role is perceivable when reviewing the state of the integration of the poultry industry before and after the transition of the political system. Before the transition, both horizontal and vertical integration solutions were present in the poultry industry in Hungary, however, after the transition only vertical integration solutions remained. The current agricultural strategy (National Rural Strategy 2012-2020) and the sectoral strategy developed by the PPC (Hungarian Poultry Product Council) lays great emphasis on the promotion of forms of integration in accordance with the objectives of the CAP 2014-2020. The level of integration of the poultry industry in Hungary has not yet reached that of Western Europe, as in [1], therefore it is very important to support the existing forms of integration in this sector and to encourage the establishment of further integration.


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