Greek Constitutionalism and Patterns of Government

2020 ◽  
pp. 102-116
Author(s):  
Nicos C. Alivizatos
Keyword(s):  
Public Administration ◽  
Government Spending ◽  
Debt Crisis ◽  
Cultural Traditions ◽  
Parliamentary Government ◽  
Universal Suffrage ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
Fundamental Difficulty ◽  
General Elections ◽  
State Organization

The holding of general elections at regular intervals, universal suffrage, and parliamentary government were fundamental characteristics of modern Greek constitutionalism as early as the last third of the nineteenth century. These characteristics are so deeply ingrained in the country’s cultural traditions that they form an integral part of its identity. In that sense, Greek constitutionalism lies behind the failure of the extreme political forces to attract mass support throughout the twentieth century, as was and continues to be the case in many other European countries. At the same time, though, by being deeply divisive and conflictual, Greek constitutionalism has been obstructing real reforms in state organization and action, in crucial fields which include, among other sectors, public administration, education, social security, and health care. Moreover, through disastrous government spending, with the sole aim of winning the next election, extreme party polarization led to an unprecedented debt crisis that brought the country to the verge of bankruptcy in 2010. That being said, the fundamental difficulty in carrying out long-awaited reforms lies in overcoming conflictual partisanship, without, however, killing the zest that still attracts large portions of the electorate to mainstream politics.

The Impact of the Greek Indignados on Greek Politics

2016 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 125-157 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paris Aslanidis ◽  
Nikos Marantzidis
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Great Recession ◽  
Sovereign Debt ◽  
Party System ◽  
Debt Crisis ◽  
Supply And Demand ◽  
The Novel ◽  
The Great Recession ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
The Impact

The burden of this paper is to assert the significance of the 2011 movement of the Greek indignados for Greek politics during the Great Recession. Acknowledging the systematically feeble analysis of the nexus between non-institutional and electoral politics in social movement literature, the authors analyze the emergence, development, and heritage of the Greek indignados, focusing squarely on their impact on public opinion and the domestic party system, both at the level of interparty, as well as intraparty dynamics. The authors’ conclusions are drawn mainly from an analysis of political party discourse, public opinion data, and interviews conducted on the field, catering equally for the supply and demand side of the novel political claims that surfaced during the first years of the Greek sovereign debt crisis. The authors point to the crucial contribution of the movement’s discourse in facilitating voter defection from the traditional two-party system that ruled Greece for more than thirty years, and argue that the indignados functioned as a beacon of populist discursive tropes, which cemented the emergence of a new divide in Greek society between pro- and anti-bailout citizens. Conclusively, the authors take the position that the imprint of the indignados on the Greek psyche has had tremendous repercussions in consolidating a new party system, by undermining traditional political forces and legitimizing new, anti-establishment contenders.

scholarly journals Consumption of Politic Parties, in the Areas Where the Same Party Has Governed (Strongholds)

2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 155-158
Author(s):  
Erindi Bejko
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Scientific Research ◽  
National Election ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Political Force ◽  
The Past ◽  
Election Process ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
The Future ◽  
General Elections

Abstract Political parties in Albania on several occasions during the past two decades have won the election in certain areas over 3 times in a row. While victory and governance of the same area, for sure creates a margin consumption which has affected the dynamics of the bastions at least in the recent national election. Parties are consumed in their strongholds if they decide the same candidates, either as a political force. In the focus of this article, will be the consuming steps of political parties in their stronghold areas, either reflecting the fall results during the election process. Will we have a final rupture in Albania consumption bastions of political parties and how would be the future of dynamic bastion, will be the question of this article scientific research. A fracture would have strongholds in shqipare perfuindimtare the consumption of political parties and how will be the future of dynamics will be bastions of this artikulil question scientific research. Bastion’s consumption occurs mainly from major political forces on the left if either of right on the study will be taken 4 constituencies which voted for the same party in three elections one by one. In our focus will be general elections, not local elections.

scholarly journals Trailing back from quasi decentralisation to centralisation. Municipal reform in Hungary

2020 ◽  
Vol 14 ◽  
pp. 117-137
Author(s):  
László Kákai
Keyword(s):  
Spatial Distribution ◽  
Public Administration ◽  
Service Provision ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Direct Impact ◽  
Municipal Reform ◽  
Distribution Of Power ◽  
State Organization ◽  
Centralization And Decentralization

Trailing back from quasi decentralisation to centralisation. Municipal reform in Hungary It is very difficult to group countries and state structures according to the extent of their decentralization or the model they follow in the spatial distribution of power. The bounds of responsibility of local government and the state, the distribution of the roles and tasks between the two stakeholders and the question of centralization and decentralization are issues regularly debated in recent years and today. This topic is not merely a public administration, financial or state organization issue since these decisions have a direct impact on citizens’ lives through public services. In my study I wish to introduce this process via Hungary’s example. I also examine how and what those concerned by the financial and political changes, i.e. the population perceived of this most important structural transformation of the period since the transition in 1989. Can it be verified from the consumers’ point of view that the transformation of the local municipal system improves the quality of service provision?

Les élections législatives du 13 décembre 1987 : Analyse des résultats

Res Publica ◽  
1988 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-24
Author(s):  
William Fraeys
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Great Stability ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Universal Suffrage ◽  
Political Impact ◽  
Economic Background ◽  
French Speaking ◽  
The Face ◽  
General Elections ◽  
The One

Organized only two years after the previous genera! elections, the 1987 poll, characterized by a great stability of the electorale, wilt probably have a deep political impact on the country's future.If the rate of external mobility suitably gauges the extent of the citizens' shifts in votes, the 1987 elections will have ranged among the four most stable general elections out of the twenty-two that have taken place since universal suffrage has been introduced. And yet, because of the decline of the outgoing coalition, on the one hand, which is mainly due to the loss suffered by the CVP, and because of the change of majority within the Walloon Regional Council and the French-speaking Community Council, on the other, the political situation appears very different after the 13th December 1987 elections. The observer can only be struck by the asymmetrical behaviour of the voters in the northern and southern parts of the country. In Flanders, the main party is on the decline white all other parties are winning votes.However, everything seems to show that the motivation of the voters who did not vote twice for the same party in 1985 and 1987, but who, as we said, are not very numerous, was an economic and social motivationrather than a language or community-related one. The gains of Agalev, the PVV and the SP in the face of the Volksunie's status quo cannot be explained otherwise. The gains of the Vlaams Blok, notably in Antwerp, are probably due to social (attitude towards immigrants) rather than community-linked motivations too. In the W alloon Region, on the contrary, the main party is registering an obvious gain, white the other parties are declining or stagnating. In this case, the motivations seem to be numerous : they have a social and economic background on the part of voters who trusted the main opposition party, but they are also community linked and inspired by considerations that have to do with the relationships between the Walloon and Flemish people in the Belgian State under transformation.The political prospects then appear uncertain. This is even more true that two other elections are to take place in the next eighteen months.These concern the opposite levels of the elected Assemblies: the municipal Council and the European Parliament.

scholarly journals Politicians or influencers? Twitter profiles of Pablo Iglesias and Albert Rivera in the Spanish general elections of 20-D and 26-J

2020 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 209-225
Author(s):  
Guillem Suau-Gomila ◽  
Carles Pont-Sorribes ◽  
Rafael Pedraza-Jiménez
Keyword(s):  
Qualitative Research ◽  
Strategic Communication ◽  
Election Campaigns ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
Traditional Media ◽  
Quantitative And Qualitative Research ◽  
First Case ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Communication Differences

The Spanish general elections of 20 December 2015 and 26 June 2016, which can be understood as an electoral continuum, were notable for being the first case of a repeated election in Spain’s history, the consequence of the difficulty in forming a government due to the emergence of two new political forces, Podemos and Ciudadanos, led by Pablo Iglesias and Albert Rivera, respectively. We analysed the Twitter communications of these political leaders in both election campaigns using quantitative and qualitative research techniques, we also compare the overall results with the results of the Top Discussion Indicator (TDI). The main objectives of the study were: a) to determine the degree of influence and the ability to create community of both political leaders; b) to identify strategic communication differences between the two leaders and changes between the two campaigns; and c) to investigate the interconnections between their Twitter profiles and media profiles (mainly Spanish newspapers and TV channels). Our findings indicate that issues linked to their own campaigns were the most discussed by these politicians. It is noted that political leaders have little capacity to influence beyond their own community on Twitter, in this sense, hybridization with traditional media and, in particular, with television helps to penetrate beyond the digital sphere. In addition, it was found that Pablo Iglesias and Albert Rivera interacted most with Atresmedia and Prisa group media.

State security as a result of systemic action

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (40) ◽  
pp. 91-101
Author(s):  
Robert Gwardyński
Keyword(s):  
Public Administration ◽  
The State ◽  
Collective Actions ◽  
State Security ◽  
Systemic Action ◽  
State Organization ◽  
Constituent Elements

The state is an organization that functions in a systemic way. It is the function of the state to ensure its security. It is ensured by collective actions of the constituent elements of the state. The main elements of the state ensuring its security are public administration entities. It is they who, as part of efficient collective actions, create conditions for the undisturbed development of the state organization.

scholarly journals DINÂMICAS DO CONTEXTO POLÍTICO E ADMINISTRATIVO NA CONSTRUÇÃO DA ADMINISTRAÇÃO PÚBLICA EM MOÇAMBIQUE

Revista Foco ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 70
Author(s):  
Albino Alves Simione
Keyword(s):  
Public Administration ◽  
Local Governments ◽  
Public Management ◽  
Management Practices ◽  
Recent Trend ◽  
Change Initiatives ◽  
Institutional Conditions ◽  
Organization And Management ◽  
State Organization ◽  
Political Design

Este trabalho tem como finalidade analisar a trajetória recente da administração pública e compreender as transformações que visam a modernização dos processos de gestão em Moçambique. Está baseado na revisão de literatura sobre os modelos de administração pública e na análise de documentos que expressam as diferentes práticas de gestão implementadas no período de 1975 a 2011. Adotamos uma abordagem qualitativa com enfoque exploratório sobre o caso da administração pública moçambicana e, sustentamos nosso estudo na análise de conteúdo de documentos oficiais que retratam as condições estruturais e institucionais sobre o desenho político da organização do Estado e as opções de gestão realizadas ao longo do tempo. Após fazermos um balanço que percorre a administração pública burocrática, a administração pública na era da democracia e o projeto implementado pela estratégia de reforma administrativa do ano de 2001, os resultados da análise empreendida mostram-nos que, apesar da introdução de um número grande de iniciativas de mudanças no seio da administração pública moçambicana, persistem desafios no contexto da agenda de modernização com destaque para o arcabouço institucional vindo do período de maior centralização administrativa, o grau de indução da descentralização exercido pelos governos central e locais e as fragilidades organizacionais e estruturais da administração pública que limitam e condicionam os processos de reformas que têm sido desenvolvidos. This work aims to analyze the recent trend of public administration and understand the changes that seek to modernize the management process in Mozambique. It is based on literature review on the models of public administration and analysis of documents expressing different management practices implemented in the period 1975-2011. We adopted a qualitative approach with exploratory focus on the case of mozambican public administration and we maintain our study on the content analysis of official documents that depict the structural and institutional conditions on the political design of the State organization and management choices made over time. After doing a retrospective that runs bureaucratic public administration, public administration in the era of democracy and the project implemented by the administrative reform strategy of the year 2001, the results show us that despite the introduction of a large number of change initiatives within the mozambican public management, there are still challenges in the modernization agenda highlighting the institutional framework coming from greater administrative centralization period, the degree of induction of decentralization exercised by central and local governments and structural and organizational weaknesses of public administration that limit the processes of reforms that have been developed.

scholarly journals Local government in Russia: new ways of constructing explanatory models for the needs of public administration

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 67-77
Author(s):  
Sergei Baranets ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Local Government ◽  
Public Administration ◽  
Local Level ◽  
Public Life ◽  
Explanatory Models ◽  
Regional Level ◽  
Reference Points ◽  
Russian Society ◽  
Stage Of Development ◽  
State Organization

The article proceeds from the concept of understanding local government in Russia as a projection of the potestar (pre-state) organization of public life, which transforms under the dominance of methods of state organization of public life, but retains its influence as the essential core of political and social interaction between people. The existing complex «state-municipal» mechanism for exercising power at the local level largely determines the forms and nature of political actors’ interaction at the regional level. State authorities, which are focused on the totality of their own administrative influences, have not yet succeeded in fully integrating local self-government into the general public space of responsibility for powers, since local power is unbuilt initially on the principles of autogenesis, autochthony and autonomy. The current situation contributes to the archaicism of a part of social relations. For some time now, to work in the multidimensional reality of society, the authorities have begun to need analytical models to understand what is happening. As an explanatory theoretical basis for the modes of existence of local authorities developed and described by the author in the current stage of development of Russian statehood, a modal methodology is used, supplemented by the results of constructing model-oriented political ontologies, which reflect the aggregates of the layers and actors of the municipal sphere of sociopolitical reality at the regional level that are actually and actively present in the Russian society. The author is interested in searching the patterns that operate in the environment created and cultivated by the organizational and activity efforts of state structures against the background of sociocultural and other characteristics inherent in the regions. Possible working models for the needs of public administration arising from the modes offered by the author are still under development, since the reform of constitutional rules proposed by the country’s leadership raises the question of new forms of organizing the continuum of coexistence and interaction of local and state authorities in Russia. The article outlines the main research lines that indicate a number of features and reference points of the author’s approach in understanding the relationship between local government and municipal government, which may serve as an occasion for a new circle of discussions of specialists interested in the prospects for the development of political potential in the Russian municipal environment.

scholarly journals Corruption and Anti-Corruption Research in China: A Critical Review of Chinese Top Journal Publications (1989–2017)

2018 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 79 ◽  
Author(s):  
Na Tang ◽  
Zi Ding ◽  
Yanni Xu
Keyword(s):  
New Media ◽  
Public Administration ◽  
Quantitative Research ◽  
Economic Transition ◽  
Empirical Studies ◽  
Cultural Traditions ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
Comprehensive Picture ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Impact

This article synthesizes a cross-disciplinary literature review of 205 articles from Chinese top journals and presents a comprehensive picture of corruption and anti-corruption research in a non-Western setting. By attempting to describe how corruption negatively affects the public administration and how improved public administration can mitigate corruption, this study finds that the Chinese research is gradually shifting from qualitative analysis to quantitative research but that empirical research needs to be developed further. In addition, in the review, human greed, economic transition, institutional omissions, a weak civil society, and social and cultural traditions are found to be the main causes of corruption in China. The effect of corruption on economic development differs on the basis of the institutional situation and social environment, but the influence of corruption on social stability and public satisfaction with the government is often negative in China. In addition, the anti-corruption mechanism has changed from the campaign against corruption (1950s–1980s) to institutionalized anti-corruption (1990s) and finally to anti-corruption through new media platforms (since the 2000s). Evaluations of anti-corruption effects are still lacking in China, especially in empirical studies. The following three aspects deserve further study: (1) the corruption mechanisms, (2) the impact of the establishment of new state institutions on anti-corruption, and (3) the relationship between political factors and anti-corruption efforts in China.

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