Basque Schools in Navarre: The Early Stages, 1931-1936

2005 ◽  
Vol 45 (4) ◽  
pp. 565-592
Author(s):  
Irene López-Goñi
Keyword(s):  
Spanish Civil War ◽  
Basque Country ◽  
Geographical Location ◽  
Early Period ◽  
Past Research ◽  
Franco Regime ◽  
New Era ◽  
Language And Culture ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Set Up

The Basque School, as well as a type of school, is an educational phenomenon that emerged and underwent most of its development during the twentieth century. Some initial confusion existed between the terms “Basque school,” “bilingual school” and “ikastola,” due to the undefined nature of the Basque model of schooling during this early period. These schools introduced a new model of education and pursued a common aim: to restore the Basque language and culture. Past research on ikastolas during the time of the Republic shows that the choice of term varied in Navarre according to the school's geographical location. Though there had been earlier initiatives, the Basque schools appeared in Navarra with the advent of Spain's Second Republic in 1931 and survived until the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War in 1936. During the Franco regime, Basques attempted to restart the educational project throughout the whole of Spanish Basque Country. Navarra's first ikastola of this new era was set up in 1963, giving rise to an educational movement that continues to maintain a strong impetus in the new millennium and has become a point of reference for both linguists and educationalists.

scholarly journals A Spanish Genocide? Reflections on the Francoist Repression after the Spanish Civil War

2005 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 171-191 ◽  
Author(s):  
JULIUS RUIZ
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Spanish Civil War ◽  
Second World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Franco Regime ◽  
Military Justice ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Relative Decline ◽  
Post War ◽  
Second World

This article considers whether the Franco regime pursued a genocidal policy against Republicans after the formal ending of hostilities on 1 April 1939. In post-war Spain, the primary mechanism for punishing Republicans was military tribunals. Francoist military justice was based on the assumption that responsibility for the civil war lay with the Republic: defendants were tried for the crime of ‘military rebellion’. This was, as Ramón Serrano Suñer admitted his memoirs, ‘turning justice on its head’. But although it was extremely harsh, post-war military justice was never exterminatory. The article stresses that the institutionalisation of military justice from 1937, following the arbitrary murders of 1936, contributed to a relative decline in executions. Although the regime's determination to punish Republicans for ‘military rebellion’ inevitably led to the initiation of tens of thousands of post-war military investigations, only a minority of cases ended in execution. This was especially the case from January 1940, when the higher military authorities ended the autonomy of military tribunals over sentencing. This reassertion of central control in January 1940 was part of a wider policy to ease the self-inflicted problem of prison overcrowding; successive parole decrees led to a substantial and permanent decrease in the number of inmates by 1945. Allied victory in the Second World War did not mark the beginning but the end of the process of bringing to a close mass military justice.

The Two Main Challenges to Catalan Identity

2018 ◽  
Vol 63 (7) ◽  
pp. 789-806 ◽  
Author(s):  
Josep-Maria Carbonell
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Identity ◽  
Intercultural Relations ◽  
Franco Regime ◽  
Language And Culture ◽  
Spanish Constitution ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Major Factors ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
New Phenomena ◽  
The Impact

Since the Franco regime came to an end in 1978, the main political and social forces in Catalonia have pursued a model of intercultural relations that aims to protect Catalan cultural identity and at the same time to incorporate the various different waves of migrants who came to Catalonia from other regions of Spain during the course of the 20th century and who now represent close to 40% of the population. Moreover, during the negotiations for the new Spanish constitution in 1978, these political forces in Catalonia accepted a new political relationship with Spain with the constitution of the Catalan autonomous region. During the course of the past 15 years, two major factors have become increasingly apparent. First, there has been a further wave of migration from other countries and continents, in particular from Muslim countries (13.6% in 2016 compared with 2.9% in 2000). Second, the place of Catalonia within Spain has been called into question for a number of different political, economic, social, and cultural reasons. In 2017, a considerable number of Catalans, close to 50%, mobilized to demand the independence of their country and attempted to proclaim and constitute the “Republic of Catalonia,” thus breaking the constitutional law in force throughout Spain. This breach of the law brought about a response from the Spanish security forces and justice system, which resulted in the suspension of the Catalan autonomous government and the calling of elections. The object of this study is to analyze the impact of the recent migrations and the current political situation on the model of intercultural relations that has governed Catalan cultural identity in recent times. The principal objectives of the model have been to ensure the civil unity of Catalonia, to safeguard Catalan language and culture, and to promote respect for cultures of citizens from other regions of Spain, all within a context of mutual dialogue and exchange. The thesis of this article is that this model, which pursues integration and unity, is in danger of breaking down as a result of the new phenomena.

scholarly journals Britain and the Basque Campaign of 1937: The Government, the Royal Navy, the Labour Party and the Press

2018 ◽  
Vol 48 (3) ◽  
pp. 490-515 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Preston
Keyword(s):  
Spanish Civil War ◽  
Basque Country ◽  
Early Summer ◽  
Popular Front ◽  
Royal Navy ◽  
The Press ◽  
Merchant Shipping ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military

The policy of the British Conservative government towards the Spanish Civil War reflected the general policy of appeasement of Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany. It was influenced by a belief that the legitimate Spanish Republican Government was the puppet of extreme left Socialists and Communists. Accordingly, the British Cabinet adopted a policy of benevolent neutrality towards the military insurgents, with the covert aim of avoiding any direct or indirect help to the Popular Front Government. The official British line on the Spanish crisis was one of non-intervention despite awareness of the scale of German and Italian aid to the military rebels. The contradictions and deceit behind non-intervention were finally exposed by the humiliations suffered by the British government during the war in the Basque Country in the spring and early summer of 1937. Franco’s attempts to prevent the delivery of sea-borne food supplies to a starving Bilbao challenged the Government’s responsibility to protect British merchant shipping. At first, London accepted the rebel contention that they had effectively blockaded Bilbao and that Royal Navy protection of merchant shipping constituted intervention on the side of the Republic. On the basis of information supplied by the Times correspondent, George Steer, a campaign was mounted in parliament and the press which forced the government into a humiliating volte-face.

scholarly journals Así también se hace Patria. Fútbol y franquismo en Cataluña y el País Vasco (1939-1977) = That is also nation-building. Football and Francoism in Catalonia and the Basque Country (1939-1977)

2019 ◽  
pp. 270
Author(s):  
Alejandro Quiroga Fernández de Soto
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Spanish Civil War ◽  
New Spain ◽  
Basque Country ◽  
Nation Building ◽  
Franco Regime ◽  
Pais Vasco

Resumen: El artículo analiza el uso que hizo la dictadura franquista del F. C Barcelona y del Athletic de Bilbao como instituciones deportivas a través de las cuales nacionalizar a catalanes y vascos en preceptos españolistas. A partir de 1939, el F. C. Barcelona y el Athletic de Bilbao fueron reconvertidos en instrumentos de propaganda de un nacionalismo franquista regionalizado en el que catalanes y vascos fueron presentados como colectivos esenciales de la Nueva España. El estudio revisar algunos postulados de la historiografía sobre las identidades nacionales y el fútbol durante el franquismo. En primer lugar, se pone en tela de juicio la idea de que el nacionalismo franquista pretendiera aniquilar todo vestigio de identidades regionales durante los primeros años de la dictadura. En segundo término, el artículo cuestiona la idea de que el mensaje nacionalista franquista fue disminuyendo en intensidad en las últimas décadas de la dictadura, a la vez que aumentaban los nacionalismos catalanes y vascos en los campos del F.C. Barcelona y del Athletic Bilbao respectivamente.Palabras clave: Fútbol, Franquismo, Nacionalismo, Deporte, Identidades regionales.Abstract: This article analyses the Franco dictatorship's uses of F. C. Barcelona and Athletic Bilbao to nationalize Catalans and Basques on Spanish principles. Following the Spanish Civil War, both F. C. Barcelona and Athletic Bilbao were turned into propaganda devices of a regionalized Francoist nationalism where Catalans and Basques were presented as key groups of the 'New Spain'. The article challenges the idea that the Franco regime sought to annihilate all vestiges of regional identities in the first years of the dictatorship. The paper also questions the notion that Francoist nationalism somehow weakened in the last years of the dictatorship, as the display of Catalan and Basque nationalism grew in the stadiums of F. C. Barcelona and Athletic Bilbao.Keywords: Football, Francoism, Nationalism, Sport, Regional identities.

Latviešu valodas kā svešvalodas apguve Āzijā

2020 ◽  
pp. 55-62
Author(s):  
Inga Laizāne
Keyword(s):  
Higher Education ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
Higher Education Institutions ◽  
State University ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Self Directed Learning ◽  
Language And Culture ◽  
Study Programs ◽  
Directed Learning ◽  
The Republic

The Latvian language as a foreign language (LATS) is learned both in Latvia and abroad. It can be done in higher education institutions, as well as in different courses and self-directed learning. Outside Latvia, there are many countries and higher education institutions where it is possible to acquire LATS. In some higher education institutions, the Latvian language has been taught since the beginning of the 20th century. The oldest LATS teaching traditions are in North America, Germany, Sweden, Lithuania and Australia. In some universities, such as Stockholm University, Masaryk University, Saint Petersburg State University, etc., academically strong study programs in Baltic Studies were established. Over time, study programs have been closed for various reasons, at most leaving the Latvian language as an optional course. At some universities, the Latvian language course has been discontinued. Although in some higher education institutions outside Latvia LATS could be acquired starting from the beginning of the 20th century, the most significant interest in the Latvian language was after the restoration of independence of the Republic of Latvia. Then many higher education institutions in Europe established Latvian language and culture study programs. This interest was related to the geopolitical situation. People tried to get to know the post-Soviet countries through the language. When Latvia joined the European Union, interest in the Latvian language decreased in Europe. Nowadays, interest in the Latvian language has increased in Asia, especially in China. In Asia, it is possible to acquire the Latvian language in China and Japan. There are established different Latvian language bachelor programs in universities of China while in Japan the Latvian language is taught for somebody interested in Latvian culture and traditions more than in the Latvian language.

Local Government, Passive Defense and Aerial Bombardment in Barcelona during the Spanish Civil War, 1936–9

2021 ◽  
pp. 002200942199789
Author(s):  
David A. Messenger
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Local Government ◽  
Spanish Civil War ◽  
Regular Feature ◽  
The Public ◽  
Republican Government ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Civilian Defense ◽  
Regional Authorities

The bombardment of civilians from the air was a regular feature of the Spanish Civil War from 1936 to 1939. It is estimated some 15,000 Spaniards died as a result of air bombings during the Civil War, most civilians, and 11,000 were victims of bombing from the Francoist side that rebelled against the Republican government, supported by German and Italian aviation that joined the rebellion against the Republic. In Catalonia alone, some 1062 municipalities experienced aerial bombardments by the Francoist side of the civil war. In cities across Spain, municipal and regional authorities developed detailed plans for civilian defense in response to these air campaigns. In Barcelona, the municipality created the Junta Local de Defensa Passiva de Barcelona, to build bomb shelters, warn the public of bombings, and educate them on how to protect themselves against aerial bombardment. They mobilized civilians around the concept of ‘passive defense.’ This proactive response by civilians and local government to what they recognized as a war targeting them is an important and under-studied aspect of the Spanish Civil War.

scholarly journals Agriculture and land use in the North of Russia: Case study of Karelia and Yakutia

2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 1497-1511
Author(s):  
Alexey Naumov ◽  
Varvara Akimova ◽  
Daria Sidorova ◽  
Mikhail Topnikov
Keyword(s):  
Land Use ◽  
Agricultural Development ◽  
Agricultural Land ◽  
Geographical Location ◽  
Special Role ◽  
Sources Of Information ◽  
Local Conditions ◽  
Climate Conditions ◽  
The North ◽  
The Republic

AbstractDespite harsh climate, agriculture on the northern margins of Russia still remains the backbone of food security. Historically, in both regions studied in this article – the Republic of Karelia and the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia) – agricultural activities as dairy farming and even cropping were well adapted to local conditions including traditional activities such as horse breeding typical for Yakutia. Using three different sources of information – official statistics, expert interviews, and field observations – allowed us to draw a conclusion that there are both similarities and differences in agricultural development and land use of these two studied regions. The differences arise from agro-climate conditions, settlement history, specialization, and spatial pattern of economy. In both regions, farming is concentrated within the areas with most suitable natural conditions. Yet, even there, agricultural land use is shrinking, especially in Karelia. Both regions are prone to being affected by seasonality, but vary in the degree of its influence. Geographical location plays special role, and weaknesses caused by remoteness to some extent become advantage as in Yakutia. Proximity effect is controversial. In Karelia, impact of neighboring Finland is insignificant compared with the nearby second Russian city – Saint Petersburg.

scholarly journals The Perspective of Croatian Old Apple Cultivars in Extensive Farming for the Production of Functional Foods

Foods ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 708
Author(s):  
Boris Duralija ◽  
Predrag Putnik ◽  
Dora Brdar ◽  
Anica Bebek Markovinović ◽  
Sandra Zavadlav ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Functional Foods ◽  
Geographical Location ◽  
Nutritional Composition ◽  
Climatic Conditions ◽  
Biologically Active ◽  
Biological Potential ◽  
Apple Cultivars ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Processed Form ◽  
Extensive Farming

The Republic of Croatia has a long tradition of fruit growing due to its geographical location, climatic conditions, and high quality of fruit crops, especially apple fruits. Apples can be used for the formulation of functional foods either in processed form (e.g., juice), or as a by-product (e.g., apple pomace). However, there is a growing demand for functional foods derived from ancient and traditional plant sources as they are recognized as a very valuable source of health-promoting bioactive ingredients. Similarly, old apple cultivars (Malus domestica Borkh.) are characterized by good morphological and pomological properties, less need for chemicals during cultivation and the higher share of biologically active compounds (BACs) with better sensory acceptability compared to commercial cultivars. However, their nutritional and biological potential is underestimated, as is their ability to be processed into functional food. The importance in preserving old apple cultivars can also be seen in their significance for improving the nutritional composition of other apple cultivars through innovative cultivation strategies, and therefore old local apple cultivars could be of great importance in future breeding programs.

Cicero and Milo

1974 ◽  
Vol 64 ◽  
pp. 62-78 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. W. Lintott
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Rule Of Law ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Era ◽  
The Rule Of Law ◽  
Political Position ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Political Realignment ◽  
Political Scene

The battle of Bovillae on 18th January, 52 B.C., which led to Clodius' death, was literally treated by Cicero in a letter to Atticus as the beginning of a new era—he dated the letter by it, although over a year had elapsed. It is difficult to exaggerate the relief it afforded him from fear and humiliation for a few precious years before civil war put him once more in jeopardy. At one stroke Cicero lost his chief inimicus and the Republic lost a hostis and pestis. Moreover, the turmoil led to a political realignment for which Cicero had been striving for the last ten years—a reconciliation between the boni and Pompey, as a result of which Pompey was commissioned to put the state to rights. Cicero's behaviour in this context, especially his return to the centre of the political scene, is, one would have thought, of capital importance to the biographer of Cicero. Yet two recent English biographies have but briefly touched on the topic. It is true that, in the background of Cicero's personal drama, Caesar and Pompey were taking up positions which, as events turned out, would lead to the collapse of the Republic. However, Cicero and Milo were not to know this, nor were their opponents; friendly cooperation between the two super-politicians apparently was continuing. Politicians on all sides were still aiming to secure power and honour through the traditional Republican magistracies, and in this pursuit were prepared to use the odd mixture of violence, bribery and insistence on the strict letter of the constitution, which was becoming a popular recipe. In retrospect their obsession with the customary organs of power has a certain irony. Yet it is a testimony to the political atmosphere then. Their manoeuvres are also important because both the instability caused by the violence of Clodius and Milo, and the eventual confidence in the rule of law established under Pompey's protection, helped to determine the political position of the boni associated with Pompey in 49 B.C. Cicero's relationship with Milo is at first sight one of the more puzzling aspects of his career. What had they in common, except that Milo, like most late Republican politicians, was at one time associated with Pompey? Properly interpreted, however, this relationship may not only illuminate Cicero's own attitudes but illustrate the character of the last years of Republican politics.

SET UP FOR GROWTH? — AN EXPLORATORY ANALYSIS OF THE RELATIONSHIP OF GROWTH INTENTION AND BUSINESS MODELS

2015 ◽  
Vol 19 (06) ◽  
pp. 1540009 ◽  
Author(s):  
SARAH MAHDJOUR
Keyword(s):  
Business Models ◽  
Theory Of The Firm ◽  
Past Research ◽  
Business Owners ◽  
Competitive Strategies ◽  
Consulting Services ◽  
And Performance ◽  
Set Up ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Relationship

What do growth-oriented business models look like? While several economic theories, such as the theory of the firm, are based on the assumption that firms aim to maximise their profits, past research has shown that growth intention is heterogeneous among firms and that many business owners prefer to keep their firm at a size that they can manage with few resources. This paper explores the relationship of growth intention and business models, based on a sample of 135 German ICT businesses. Following an exploratory approach, Mann–Whitney U tests are applied to analyse how different business model designs correspond with different levels of growth intention. The results indicate that growth intention relates to business owners’ decisions regarding the provision of consulting services, the level of standardisation in offered products and services, the choice of addressed markets, the implementation of competitive strategies based on cost efficiency and of revenue streams based on one-time- and performance-based payments. Furthermore, the results show that growth oriented firms are no more likely than non-growth oriented firms to adapt their business models dynamically to changed internal or external conditions.

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