District Development and Diversity Index: A Methodology That Promotes Evaluation and Assessment of Development and Welfare Programmes in India

2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-23
Author(s):  
Abusaleh Shariff

A common concern in the inclusive development discourses across India has been the lack of civil society and community level activities in the spheres of governance and participation in public spaces amongst the deprived and excluded communities. To address this issue, the author has first computed the ‘district development index’ for all districts of India, as well as ‘diversity’ (of the components of development) indices according to socio-religious community (SRC) groups, especially created from the raw data drawn from Government of India sources. Using these indices, a methodology is developed that supports a ȁresearch-cum-action’ programme that enables better implementation of a number of components of the government’s poverty alleviation initiatives and allows their monitoring and evaluation. The budgetary allocation flows down from the national level to the states and then to the districts; and the districts are the grassroots level budgetary depositories. Through them, funds are carried forward to urban municipalities, village panchayats and to the doorsteps of the communities living in them. Policy engagements of trained civil society and community groups have high potential to be heard, so as to address the issues of social, economic and educational entitlements. This article reports experiences from recent field visits and interactions with selected civil society and community organisations from the states of Rajasthan, Haryana, Assam, West Bengal and Karnataka.

Author(s):  
Muhamad Rusliyadi ◽  
Azaharaini Bin Hj. Mohd. Jamil

The impact study assessment aims to evaluate policies and monitor the achievement of targets and the results of a development program such as DMP. The output obtained is information that is an evaluation of how the policy was planned, initiated, and implemented. Participatory monitoring and evaluation analyze the outcome and impact of the DMP Program. PPA seeks to answer the question of whether or not the policy or program is working properly. A participatory approach may improve the outcomes in the form of a new policy model for the future. The output of the PPA process from this study is the agricultural policy formulated in terms of practical ways of approaching poverty problems from a local perspective. The success of alternative policy options applied by local government such as physical, human resources, and institution development at the grassroots level should be adopted at the national level. It should represent the best example of a case of successful program implementation at the grassroots level which can then be used in formulating national policies and strategies.


Author(s):  
Muhamad Rusliyadi ◽  
Azaharaini Hj. Mohd. Jamil ◽  
Muhammad Anshari

This chapter evaluates food security policies and extension policies to the achievement of targets and the results of a development programme such as Food Self Sufficiency village (DMP) used Participatory Poverty Assessments (PPA). The output obtained is information that is an evaluation of how the policy was planned, initiated, and implemented. Participatory Poverty Assessments (PPA) monitoring and evaluation analyse the outcome and impact of the DMP Programme. The output of the PPA process from this chaper is the agricultural policy formulated in terms of practical ways of approaching poverty problems from a local perspective. The success of alternative policy options applied by local government such us Physical, Human Resources, Institution development at the grassroots level should be adopted at the national level. It should represent the best example of a case of successful programme implementation at the grassroots level which can then be used in formulating national policies and strategies.


Author(s):  
Carl Middleton ◽  
Tay Zar Myo Win

Abstract Myanmar was under a military government for almost six decades, during which time the state maintained an ‘authoritarian public sphere’ that limited independent civil society, mass media and the population's access to information. In 2010, Myanmar held flawed elections that installed a semi-civilian government and established a hybrid governance regime, within which civil, political and media freedoms expanded while the military's influence remained significant. In this paper, we examine ‘hybrid governance at work’ in the ‘hybrid public sphere’, that holds in tension elements of an authoritarian and democratic public sphere. The boundaries of these spheres are demarcated through legal means, including the 2008 military-created Constitution, associated judicial and administrative state structures and the actions of civil society and community movements toward political, military and bureaucratic elite actors. We develop our analysis first through an assessment of Myanmar's political transition at the national level and, then, in an empirical case of subnational politics in Dawei City regarding the planning of the electricity supply. We suggest that the hybrid public sphere enables discourses—associated with authoritarian popularist politics in Myanmar—that build legitimacy amongst the majority while limiting the circulation of critical discourses of marginalized groups and others challenging government policies. We conclude that for substantive democracy to deepen in Myanmar, civil society and media must actively reinforce the opportunity to produce and circulate critical discourse while also facilitating inclusive debates and consolidating legislated civil, political and media freedoms. On 1 February 2021, shortly after this article was finalized, a military coup d’état detained elected leaders and contracted the post-2010 hybrid public sphere, including constraining access to information via control of the internet and mass media and severely limiting civil and political rights.


2016 ◽  
Vol 19 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 65-72 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jaco Biewenga ◽  
Huib AM Kerstjens ◽  
Michael R Rutgers ◽  
Emiel Rolink ◽  
Ingrid van der Gun ◽  
...  

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 3-6
Author(s):  
Prof. univ. dr. habil. Mihaela Rus ◽  
Lect. univ. dr. Mihaela Sandu ◽  
Tanase Tasente

We can talk about public policies when a public authority - central or local - intends, with the help of a coordinated action program, to modify the economic, social, cultural environment of social actors. At national level, public policies can appear from any of the major state institutions (Parliament, President, Government, central or local authorities). The study of public policies is different from the traditional academic research, having an applied approach, oriented towards: (1) designing and developing solutions for the problems of society, (2) Interdisciplinarity, (3) Orientation towards problem solving: it does not have a purely academic character, but it is oriented towards the problems of the real world, looking for solutions for them, (4) Normativity. The general stages of this process are as follows: (1) defining the problem, (2) making the decision, (3) implementation of public policy, (4) monitoring and evaluation of public policy.


SAGE Open ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 215824402110615
Author(s):  
Cecilia Santilli ◽  
Roberto Scaramuzzino

The aim of this paper is to explore the relationship between individual leaders’ career trajectories and organizational structure and identity in Italian civil society organizations (CSOs) active at national level. The analysis in this qualitative study draws on two sets of data, semi-structured interviews with leaders on their career trajectories and their understanding of what it takes to become a leader of a CSO and short biographies of leaders’ career trajectories. Three main representational logics are idenitified: within: multi-level, within: member-organization, and outside: supporting organization. The two first logics are based on a trajectory within the organizations either departing from the local and regional levels of the same organizations or within one or more member organizations. The third logic is based on a trajectory outside the organization that is marked by the ideological affiliation of the president through leading positions in other organizations within the same movement or field.


Author(s):  
Eva NAGYFEJEO ◽  
Basie Von SOLMS

Nowadays, many cyber users do not understand how to protect themselves and their information within cyber space. One reason is that cyber users are unaware of possible cyber risks and threats that may occur within cyber space. The second reason is that citizens, businesses and users within the public sector may be aware of relevant cyber risks but do not really understand the seriousness of such risks and the consequences if they do realise. Therefore, cybersecurity awareness campaigns are an integral part of improving cybersecurity awareness. Based on in-country reviews conducted as part of the Global Cybersecurity Capacity Centre (GCSCC) programme, we observed that the campaigns to raise cybersecurity awareness throughout the country are often led by different ‘owners’ without co-ordination and adequate resources therefore creating fragmentation in the national cybersecurity awareness raising programme. This paper suggests that the development of a coordinated and coherent national cybersecurity awareness program is critical for building a basic level of aware-ness at the national level. We will examine the requirements needed to develop a coordinated national awareness raising programme by reviewing the existing literature, best practice approaches and the role of different stakeholders such as the government, private sector and civil society. We will draw conclusions on the main obstacles to ensure overall coherence between the actions of stakeholders and the efforts countries should prioritise in order to increase awareness of cyber risks at the national level.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (Supplement_2) ◽  
pp. 803-803
Author(s):  
Rasmi Avula ◽  
Phuong Nguyen ◽  
Neha Kohli ◽  
Shubhada Kanani ◽  
Purnima Menon

Abstract Objectives Global attention to reducing childhood stunting has increased the demand for guidance on translating policies into impact. Evidence from national-level success cases is emerging but little is known about how subnational entities can accelerate change. In India, despite a common national framework of programs/policies targeting many determinants of child growth, stunting reduction has varied across states. We aimed to understand drivers of change in stunting at state-level and to identify programmatic, social and political factors that contributed to these changes. Methods We studied three states that had achieved substantial stunting declines between 2005 and 2016 [Chhattisgarh (CG) 14 percentage points (pp); Gujarat (GJ) 13pp; Odisha (OD) 11 pp]. We used regression-decomposition analysis to assess contributions of various determinants of height-for-age Z-score (HAZ) using two rounds of national data. We reviewed nutrition-relevant policies and programs linked to these drivers of change and interviewed stakeholders in government, development partners (DPs), academia and civil society (n = 61) to understand how change occurred. Results Main contributors to gains in HAZ were coverage of health and nutrition interventions (21% CG; 11% GJ; 25% OD), household assets (10% CG; 13% GJ; 18% OD), and sanitation (7% CG; 6% GJ; 5% OD). Maternal education, age at marriage, community-level hygiene, and electrification also contributed. Political leadership and an outcome-focused vision were crucial for action. Although vision varied, capable administrators were able to secure adequate finances, strengthen implementation systems, and invest in state-specific innovations, creating an enabling environment for change. Varied actors, including civil society and DPs, played a catalytic role in spurring action through advocacy, technical and financial inputs, and vigilance. Conclusions Similar drivers were responsible for stunting reduction in 3 states. Ingredients for success highlight the importance of political leadership, targeting multiple determinants and improving implementation systems. Supportive civil society, political and bureaucratic leadership motivated by the well-being of communities remain crucial. Funding Sources Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation through POSHAN, led by IFPRI.


2019 ◽  
Vol 76 (Suppl 1) ◽  
pp. A64.3-A65
Author(s):  
Yiqun Chen ◽  
Andrew Curran

The Health and Safety Executive (HSE) is the GB regulator for health and safety at work. The HSE Health and Work (H&W) program designs and carries out a wide range of interventions; including inspection, enforcement and other regulatory activities as well as prevention; targeting priority health conditions in high-risk sectors. It is anticipated that long-term, sustainable and coordinated actions developed as part of the program will over time improve awareness, behaviors, control of exposures, and, as a result, prevent work-related ill health in GB workforce.An HSE Measuring Strategy, together with measurement framework and principles, has been developed. The measurement framework draws together data systems, covering Attitudes (A), Behaviors (B), Control of exposures (C), and Disease and work-related ill health reduction (D), based on a simple model to provide evidence required for evaluating the short, medium and long term impacts of the large scale and complex H&W program on the GB health and safety system. The Strategy gives a new focus on measuring behavioral changes and risk reductions; and emphasizes longitudinal measurement designs to assess progress over time.For developing the Strategy, workshops were organized to bring stakeholders across HSE to review existing systems for conducting population surveys, collecting exposure intelligence and occupational health surveillance, which have contributed to forming a long-term vision of fit-for-purpose measurement systems.We will present the development of the Strategy and the plans to implement it with the H&W program, which requires close collaborations between epidemiologists and social researchers, policy makers, and other multidisciplinary regulatory specialists. The lessons learnt will help HSE towards building the right evidence base for monitoring and evaluation of a range of national level intervention programs for work-related ill health prevention.©British Crown copyright (2019)


2013 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 115-142 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sri Lestari Wahyuningroem

The article examines both civil society initiatives that seek to address the mass violence of 1965 and 1966 and the state's responses to them. Unlike other political-transition contexts in the world, a transitional justice approach is apparently a formula that state authorities have found difficult to implement nationally for this particular case. The central government has, through its institutions, sporadically responded to some of the calls from civil society groups and has even initiated policy reforms to support such initiatives. Nevertheless, these responses were not sustained and any suggested programmes have always failed to be completed or implemented. Simultaneously, however, NGOs and victims are also voicing their demands at the local level. Many of their initiatives involve not only communities but also local authorities, including in some cases the local governments. In some aspects, these “bottom-up” approaches are more successful than attempts to create change at the national level. Such approaches challenge what Kieran McEvoy refers to as an innate “seductive” quality of transitional justice, but at the same time these approaches do, in fact, aim to “seduce” the state to adopt measures for truth and justice.


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