scholarly journals The State and Society in Conflict Resolution in Indonesia (Conflict Area of West Kalimantan and Central Kalimantan)

Author(s):  
Heru Cahyono

Several bloody communal conflicts shook some areas in Indonesia from the late 1990s to early 2000s, including widespread violent conflicts in West and Central Kalimantan. Two groups, the Dayaks and the Malays, both asserting their status as indigenous ethnic groups, fought another ethnic group, migrants from Madura (the Madurese). The disturbances began in late February 2001 in Central Kalimantan. Thousands of Dayaks attacked the Madurese. There was violence and killing in almost all villages. The disturbances began in Sampit City and spread to Kuala Kapuas, Pangkalan Bun and Palangka Raya. More than 400 Madurese died and 80 000 people were forced to leave Kalimantan (Cahyono 2004: 47-48).

Author(s):  
Kristina Großmann

Abstract Struggles over land are a vibrant issue in today’s Indonesia and especially pressing in Central Kalimantan, as it is the new frontier of coal extraction. The mining areas overlap with the land used by ethnic groups, all subsumed under the term ‘Dayak’. Linking to ethnic revitalization since the 2000s, the Dayak Misik (Dayak, wake up) scheme promises ‘indigenous Dayak’ to secure formal rights to land. In the framework of what I call ‘frontier ecologies’, members of the ethnic group Murung implemented the scheme and may be successful in securing access and rights to land in the future. However, the semi-nomadic Punan Murung rejected the programme because it contradicts their dynamic approach to space in the framework of place-based, interrelated ecologies. Thus, essentializations and instrumentalizations of ethnicity and the constitution of space affirm current hegemonial notions of land and indigenous rights, in which either people or plurality are excluded.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
Rafiullah Khan

Abstract Since its inception, Pakistan has faced challenges of ethnic-nationalism from her ethnicities. State efforts to mold these diverse identities into one communal Muslim identity have been continually resisted by the different nationalities comprising Pakistan. The demands of ethno-national movements have fluctuated between independence and autonomy, depending upon the relation between the state and the respective ethnic group. Sometimes the demand for autonomy has expanded into a desire for independence, as was the case with Bengali ethnic nationalism. At other times, the desire for independence has shrunk to a demand for autonomy, as manifested by Pashtun nationalism. This shift is explicated through the relationship between the state and ethnic groups. The author analyzes this shift through the prism of Paul Brass’s instrumental theory of elite competition. The factors that contributed to the success of Bengali nationalism in achieving statehood and the failure of Baloch nationalism to do so are viewed through Ted Gurr’s concept of relative deprivation. The integration of Sindhi and Pashtun ethnic groups into the state structure is explained via Andreas Wimmer’s notion of ownership of the state.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-38
Author(s):  
Jibrin Yusuf Danladi ◽  
Muhammad Maga Sule

This paper examines the activities of the Ombatse cult group and the violent conflicts that occurred as a result of their activities which took place in some parts of Nasarawa State from 2011 – 2015. The aim of the study is to portray how Islam is against ethnic bigotry. It also intends solutions based on Islamic teachings on how to resolve disputes especially which is ethnically related. It also discussed its effects on Islam and Muslims in the State. The paper found out that peace is one of the basic tools for the development of any society, as Islam encourages peaceful co-existence among/between Muslims and non- Muslims as well as co-existence among other ethnic nationalities as Islam prohibits ethnicity and nationalism. Therefore, the paper further revealed that the major actors who participated in the crises were predominately Muslim youths from the ethnic groups involved in the violent conflict. The research also unveils the context and undertone which precipitated establishment and those who financed activities of Ombatse group in the areas studied. Regarding methodology, this study utilizes a qualitative technique. In-Depth Interviews (IDI) were conducted to obtain data for the study. The study concludes that some Muslim who are ignorant of the basic tenets of Islam were easily brainwashed to show allegiance to their ethnic identity than Islam. The Ombatse mobilized support along ethnic consciousness in order to achieve hidden political motives of those who initiated the cult group.


1985 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 175-190 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth Blakemore

ABSTRACTIn many urban communities the fastest-growing groups of old people are those from the various minority racial and ethnic groups. This paper reviews the progress of a range of the new services, clubs and social centres which have been recently developed to meet the needs of the minorities. The services are examined in terms of their objectives, degree of specialisation (by ethnic group, gender and age) and adequacy of resources. As most of these projects have been initiated by voluntary groups and have experienced difficult development problems, the implications of this pattern of growth are assessed. In particular, reasons for the lack of sustained support from government and statutory organisations are discussed. Racial disadvantage affects all the minority groups, though different ethnic groups appear to be developing different strategies for the care of the old. However, prospects for either fully developed alternative services for the minorities or for multicultural services appear to be bleak in the forseeable future.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 377-401
Author(s):  
Egdūnas Račius

Abstract The article focuses on the relation between the socio-legal status of national Orthodox Churches and their role in the legal, institutional and social ‘othering’ of Islam and ethnic groups of Muslims in three Balkans countries, namely, Bulgaria, North Macedonia and Serbia. The research reveals that the state-pursued construction of national identity and politics of belonging are expressly permeated by ethno-confessional nationalism, which is at the core of the deep-running tensions between the dominant ethnic group and the marginalized Muslims. There is an alliance between the political and the Church elites to keep ethnic groups of Muslim background either altogether outside the ‘national Us’ or at least at its outer margins.


Iraq ◽  
2006 ◽  
Vol 68 ◽  
pp. 1-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Caroline Waerzeggers

The state channelled the influx of foreign groups into Babylonian society in various ways during the Chaldean and Persian periods (mid-first millennium BC). The military land-grant system placed incoming groups in the Babylonian countryside and tied them to the king through the principle of “land-for-service”. This scheme is known mainly by its results, for instance in the numerous fiefs occupied by ethnic groups in the area of Nippur in the late fifth century BC (Stolper,Entrepreneurs and Empire). Other foreigners were brought to Babylonia as war captives and were sold into slavery or donated to the country 's many temples (e.g. Bongenaar/Haring,JCS46).Unpublished records from Borsippa point towards the existence of another system through which the state regulated the income of foreign ethnic groups. This system relied on the resources of private Babylonian citizens to provide rations and perhaps also shelter to individually assigned foreigners. The dossier that sheds light on this scheme does not answer all the questions that it raises, but it does show the basic workings of the system and herein it is unique, even though the system itself is perhaps not without historical precedent. The importance of this dossier is enhanced by the fact that it deals with an ethnic group that is otherwise badly attested in Babylonia: the Carians.


Dharma Duta ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Evie Evie

The Indonesia consist of one thousand of island that spread out Sabang to Merauke, where the society live with the deferent of religion and culture. In Indonesia speak about local language. The near of ethnic groups have alone local language as the mean of communication between the members of society from ethnic group. The one of local language that exist in Central Kalimantan Province is Katingan Language. Katingan Language is one of the local language that used by population which live of all Katingan river. This language used as daily language in 6 subdisrict, they are: Katingan Hilir, Tasik Payawan, Tewang Sangalang Garing, Pulau Malan, Katingan Tengah, Katingan Hulu Katingan Region. Morpholoy is one branch of linguistics that study about the form of word include function and meaning of words. In this discussion is a part of morphology. In this discusstion especially will discuss about reduplication of Katingan language. Reduplication is the form of word that repeated for example: 1) Complete reduplication,  2)  Affixed  reduplication,  3)  Partial  reduplication,  and  Semantic reduolication.


2008 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 168-186 ◽  
Author(s):  
BJÖRN SUNDMARK

Recently past its centenary, The Wonderful Adventures of Nils (1906–7), by Selma Lagerlöf, has remained an international children's classic, famous for its charm and magical elements. This article returns to read the book in its original contexts, and sets out to demonstrate that it was also published as a work of instruction, a work of geography, calculated to build character and nation. Arguing that it represents the vested interests of the state school system, and the national ideology of modern Sweden, the article analyses Nils's journey as the production of a Swedish ‘space’. With a focus on representations of power and nationhood in the text, it points to the way Lagerlöf takes stock of the nation's natural resources, characterises its inhabitants, draws upon legends and history, and ultimately constructs a ‘folkhem’, where social classes, ethnic groups and linguistic differences are all made to contribute to a sense of Swedish belonging and destiny.


2020 ◽  
Vol 102 ◽  
pp. 613-620
Author(s):  
Igor N. Tyapin

The author of the article uses the works of L.A. Tikhomirov as the basis when examining the problem of criticism of the conditions of the state and society in monarchic Russia during the last decade of its existence from the part of the conservative figures who not only advocated the necessity to preserve the autocracy but also substantially contributed to the working out of the main principles of Russian social development. In particular, the “creative conservators” managed to accomplish the deep philosophic conceptualization of Russian history while trying to find the previously lost ideal of social organization. Tikhomirov’s relevant concepts of the mutual conditionality of Russian national consciousness underdevelopment and state degradation, as well as of the necessity to realize the model of the moral state of justice on the basis of the national idea, were not accepted by the bureaucratic system that resulted before long in the collapse of Russian monarchic state.


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 157-165
Author(s):  
Mansoor Mohamed Fazil

Abstract This research focuses on the issue of state-minority contestations involving transforming and reconstituting each other in post-independent Sri Lanka. This study uses a qualitative research method that involves critical categories of analysis. Migdal’s theory of state-in-society was applied because it provides an effective conceptual framework to analyse and explain the data. The results indicate that the unitary state structure and discriminatory policies contributed to the formation of a minority militant social force (the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam – The LTTE) which fought with the state to form a separate state. The several factors that backed to the defeat of the LTTE in 2009 by the military of the state. This defeat has appreciably weakened the Tamil minority. This study also reveals that contestations between different social forces within society, within the state, and between the state and society in Sri Lanka still prevail, hampering the promulgation of inclusive policies. This study concludes that inclusive policies are imperative to end state minority contestations in Sri Lanka.


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