scholarly journals Debating the withdrawal of US nuclear weapons from Europe: What Germany expects from Russia

Author(s):  
Oliver Meier ◽  

The recent debate in Germany about nuclear sharing confirmed the broad support among decision-makers for continued involvement in the political dimension of NATO’s sharing arrangements, i. e., participation in the Alliance’s nuclear consultative bodies. At the same time, German decision-makers hold divergent views on continued participation in the operational and technical aspects of nuclear sharing. Russia’s arsenal of approximately 2,000 tactical nuclear weapons is of great concern to Germany and many in Berlin are worried that Russia is systematically expanding its nuclear arsenal. German decision-makers and the government support NATO’s dual-track policy of deterring and engaging Russia. German policy-makers’ arguments on the added military value of forward-deployed US nuclear weapons remain vague and there are few specific ideas about what type of arms control would be best suited to reduce the role and number of tactical nuclear weapons in Europe. There are four frameworks in which tactical nuclear weapons could be discussed with Russia, namely the nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT), other multilateral fora, the Russian — US bilateral dialogue on strategic stability, and the NATO — Russia Council. If Russia is serious about reducing the role and number of nuclear weapons in Europe, it should accept the reciprocity paradigm and drop some worn-out demands and positions that have little relevance for political debates around arms control in Berlin and elsewhere.

Daedalus ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 149 (2) ◽  
pp. 116-132
Author(s):  
James Cameron

Most analyses of arms control during the Cold War focus on its role in maintaining strategic stability between the United States and the Soviet Union. However, history shows that the superpowers' search for strategic stability is insufficient to explain the roots and course of negotiations. This essay argues that arms control was used as one tool in a broader strategy of war prevention, designed to contain a series of challenges to U.S. and Soviet dominance of the international system that both sides worried could upset bipolarity and increase the chances of conflict between them. At the same time, U.S. policy-makers balanced this joint superpower interest with Washington's extended deterrent commitment to its allies, which ultimately upheld the integrity of the system as a whole. The essay concludes that today's leaders should integrate arms control into a more comprehensive strategy of political accommodation fit for twenty-first-century conditions.


2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 195-210 ◽  
Author(s):  
Feisal Khan

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to analyze the current state of corruption in Pakistan and evaluate attempts by the government to combat its entrenched corruption culture. Design/methodology/approach – The paper shows that Pakistan’s legacy of British colonial rule, its ethno-linguistic conflict and alternating civilian governments and military coups have weakened institutional capabilities, hindered capacity building and allowed systemic corruption to flourish there. Pakistan’s many anti-corruption efforts failed because they were used to attack political foes instead of strengthening institutional capabilities. Findings – Pakistan has maintained its highly authoritarian form of governance inherited from the British in 1947. The ruling elite view the state as a milch cow for their personal enrichment and this attitude is also reflected in the performance of its bureaucracy. Existing rules of conduct and administration are not enforced as citizens encounter corruption in their dealings with officials. At the policy level, key decisions are often made to benefit the decision makers. The paper concludes that without political will no significant improvement in the state of corruption in Pakistan is likely to occur. Originality/value – This paper will be useful for scholars, policy-makers and anti-corruption practitioners who are interested in corruption in Pakistan and whether the apparent institutionalization of parliamentary democracy has reduced corruption there.


Author(s):  
Rifat Mahmud

The first wave of the COVID- 19 disease has caused a daunting and unprecedented challenge for governments of the world. Decision-makers worldwide, including that of Bangladesh, had to initiate responses that were beyond the conventional measures. This paper offers the decision-makers in Bangladesh on the possible learning in the field of crisis management during this pandemic. The paper aims in focusing on the first phase of responses to COVID-19 (March-May) from the initial lockdown to the reopening of offices by the government of Bangladesh. Methodologically, the paper is a content analysis involving netnography approach of data collection from websites. The paper presents a finding of possible lessons of crisis responses in Bangladesh. The paper aims to create an agenda for learning lessons from the situation of the largest crisis to hit the world in centuries. The paper induces substantial value for policy-makers to be prepared for the second wave of the COVID- 19 crisis, to meet the challenges of the pandemic.


2020 ◽  
Vol 72 (4) ◽  
pp. 678-708
Author(s):  
Marina Kostic

Th? paper focuses on the research of general possibilities and limitations of the multilateralization of the strategic arms control negotiations and particularly the inclusion of China in these negotiations because, during 2019 and 2020, the US conditioned the extension of the New START Treaty with China?s involvement in the trilateral strategic arms control negotiations. By doing so, the US recognised China as an important factor influencing the maintenance of strategic stability and possibilities for further reduction of strategic arms. The main hypothesis is the claim that the limitations still overcome the possibilities regarding the multilateralization of the strategic arms control negotiation, and that the prospects of involving China in this kind of negotiation remain minimal. This hypothesis was tested through theoretical deliberation based on the notion of strategic stability, and its transformation during the Cold War until today, as well as on four indicators or preconditions of China?s involvement in the strategic arms control, which are: 1) quantitative reduction of the number of nuclear arms of the US and Russia to China?s level; 2) decrease of the role of nuclear weapons in the national security and defense strategies of the great powers; 3) decrease of the role of nuclear weapons as the status symbol of the great power or superpower and 4) conclusion of the multilateral international agreement (not trilateral) on limitations on the use of nuclear weapons. The author uses the methods of content and discourse analysis, as well as the comparative method. The author concludes that the absence of the intention of the US and Russia to further reduce their strategic arms and decrease the role of nuclear weapons in their security and defense strategies, as well as the absence of consent on which parties or actors should be included in the arms control talks and China?s general suspicion about the effectiveness of the arms control agreements, influence China not to take part on any strategic arms control talks at this moment.


2018 ◽  
Vol 65 ◽  
pp. 04003
Author(s):  
Siti Nur Fazillah Mohd Fauzi ◽  
Nor’Aini Yusof ◽  
Hanizam Awang ◽  
Mohd Nurfadzli Mat Nah

Engineers have a vital role in addressing environmental degradation in construction projects. Therefore, engineers’ positive attitude towards the environment is important to ensure that construction projects are carried out responsibly. The objective of this paper is to investigate the factors that influence engineers’ attitude towards green practice. Six factors; Knowledge, Self-initiative, Firm Support, Government Support, Board of Engineers Support and Client Attributes were assumed to influence the engineers’ attitude towards green practice. A self-administered survey with 37 items was distributed to engineering firms in Peninsular Malaysia and 128 usable responses were received. The results show a moderate relationship with 32 percent of the variances in the relationship between the six factors and engineers’ attitude. The results reveal that self-initiative and government support have a significant and positive impact on the engineers’ attitude towards green practice with the higher effect coming from the support from the government (f2 = 0.210) as compared to self-initiative (f2 = 0.058). In contrast, the results provide insufficient evidence about the relationship between Knowledge, Firm Support, Board of engineers Support and Client Attributes and engineers’ attitude towards green practice. The results serve as a guide to the policy makers and engineers to ensure responsible attitude can be adopted towards the environment.


Author(s):  
Putinur Putinur ◽  
Randi B.S Salampessy ◽  
Achmad Poernomo

Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengidentifikasi faktor internal dan eksternal yang mempengaruhi pengembangan industri patin dan menentukan strategi prioritas untuk pengembangan industri patin diProvinsi Jambi. Penelitian dilaksanakan pada Bulan November 2018 hingga April 2019 bertempat di Provinsi Jambi (studi kasus di Kabupaten  Muaro Jambi), dilakukan dengan metode SWOT (Strengths Weaknesses Opportunities and Threats) dan AHP (Analytical Hierarchy Process). Teknik pengumpulan data meliputi survei, observasi dan wawancara. Cakupan dalam penelitian ini mulai dari sektor budi daya, sektor pengolahan hingga pemasaran. Responden dalam penelitian ini adalah pelaku usaha, pembuat kebijakan (pemerintah daerah dan pusat), serta pakar (akademisi dan peneliti). Hasil identifikasi menunjukkan bahwa faktor internal dan eksternal yang mempengaruhi pengembangan industri patin pada aspek budi daya diantaranya status kepemilikan lahan, ketersediaan modal, tersedianya tenaga penyuluh perikanan, tingginya  minat usaha, akses pemasaran, dukungan dan kebijakan dari pemerintah, dan kontinuitas bahan baku pakan. Pada aspek pengolahan, faktor yang mempengaruhi diantaranya lokasi unit pengolahan, ketersediaan bahan baku, tenaga kerja, akses pemasaran, dukungan pemerintah, serta persaingan. Analisis SWOT menghasilkan 8 alternatif strategi untuk budi daya dan 6 alternatif strategi di sektor pengolahan. Berdasarkan hasil analisis AHP, prioritas utama dalam pengembangan patin di Provinsi Jambi adalah meningkatkan pendampingan dan pembinaan kepada pembudi daya (sektor budi daya) dan mengembangkan usaha, diversifikasi dan inovasi produk (sektor pengolahan).Title: Strategies for Pangasius Industry Development in Jambi ProvinceThe aims of this research were to identify internal and external factors and to formulate the alternative strategies in developing the pangasius industry, in Jambi Province. This research was held in November 2018 until April 2019 in Jambi Province (case study in Muaro Jambi district), applied SWOT (Strengths Weaknesses Opportunities and Threats) and AHP (Analytical Hierarchy Process) methods, while the data were obtained through survey, observation and interviews, covering aquaculture, processing and marketing sectors. Respondents in this research were businessmen, policy makers (local and centralgovernments), and experts (academics and researchers). The results indicate that internal and external factors that influence the development of the pangasius industry in the aquaculture were land ownership,capital availability, availability of fisheries extension workers, high business interest, marketing access, support and policy from the government, and continuity of feed raw materials. Whereas in the processing include the location of processing units, the availability of raw materials, labor, marketing access, government support, and competition. SWOT analysis resulted in 8 alternative strategies for the aquaculture sector and 6 alternative strategies for processing sector. Based on AHP analysis, the main priorities for  the development of pangasius industry in Jambi Province were to strengthen assistance and guidance for farmers (aquaculture sector) and business development, diversification and product innovation (processing sector).


Author(s):  
Thomas Schmidt

AGI could arise within the next decades, promising a decisive strategic advantage. This paper discusses risks, associated with the development of AGI: destabilizing effects on strategic balance, underestimating risks in the interest of victory in the race, egoistically exploiting the huge benefits by a tiny minority. Further: Developed AGI could be beyond human control. Human goals could not be implemented and an intelligence explosion to superintelligence could take place leading to a total loss of control and power. If competition for AGI is non-transparent, secret, uncontrolled and not regulated, it’s possible that risks could not be managed and would lead to catastrophic consequences. The danger corresponds to that of nuclear weapons. It is crucial that the key actors of a possible AI Race agree at an early stage on the prevention and transparent regulation of a possible AI Race - similar to measures to secure strategic stability, on arms control measures, disarmament, and prevention of the proliferation of nuclear weapons. The realization that an uncontrolled AI race can lead to the extinction of humanity - this time even independent of human will – requires analogous measures to contain, prevent, regulate and secure an AI race within the framework of AGI development.


Daedalus ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 149 (2) ◽  
pp. 37-55
Author(s):  
Anya Loukianova Fink ◽  
Olga Oliker

At a time of technological and political change in the international security environment, Russia continues to view nuclear weapons as guarantors of peace and security among great powers. Nuclear weapons also assure Russia's own great-power status and mitigate uncertainty in an emerging multipolar order. In a world where the United States pursues improved missile defense capabilities and appears to reject mutual vulnerability as a stabilizing factor, Moscow views its modernized nuclear arsenal as essential to deter Washington from a possible attack on Russia or coercive threats against it. Some elites in Russia would like to preserve existing arms control arrangements or negotiate new ones to mitigate a weakening infrastructure of strategic stability. At the same time, however, they seem skeptical that the United States is willing to compromise or deal with Russia as an equal. Meanwhile, multilateral arms control appears to be too complex a proposition for the time being.


2006 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 196-198
Author(s):  
Donald Abelson

The Government Taketh Away: The Politics of Pain in the United States and Canada., Leslie A. Pal and R. Kent Weaver, eds., Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press, 2003, pp. xii, 340.Compiling edited collections is notoriously difficult because editors and contributors frequently work from a different script. The result is that instead of producing a coherent volume which addresses a particular theme, readers are often left with a collection of scholarly papers that share little in common. What may have started as a project with a single goal and focus can quickly disintegrate into a patchwork quilt. This major problem has been avoided in Leslie Pal and Kent Weaver's edited book, The Government Taketh Away: The Politics of Pain in the United States and Canada, a sophisticated and richly detailed analysis of how decision-makers in the two countries attempt to introduce policies that may adversely affect the economic, social and political interests of various groups while trying to minimize political fallout. As the title of this book suggests, the editors are not concerned about why policy makers reward certain sectors and groups in society. After all, common sense dictates that politicians need votes and attempt to acquire them by appealing to the broadest segment of the population. In this book, the focus is on how policy makers, when faced with potential opposition from different groups, make strategic decisions that result in the imposition of losses. Although the editors do not offer a concrete definition of loss, examples include policy decisions that result in the de-indexation of old age pensions, the closure of military bases and the retraction of tax benefits. This book is not an indictment of government—the editors acknowledge that in democracies politicians must often make difficult choices that will help some and hurt others. Rather, it is a thorough exploration of how decision makers make these decisions and how various groups and sectors react.


2020 ◽  

The monograph explores past, present and future of the dialectical relationship between arms control and the military-strategic, technological and political trends in the world developments. It examines the methodology of nuclear weapons development and employment, assessment of their impact on strategic stability and the prospects for the treaty-based arms control over emerging technologies. The book analyses innovative military and dual-use digital technologies as well as space weapons and the prospects for their prohibition. It also researches the problems of arms control in Europe and threats to nuclear nonproliferation regimes. The monograph is addressed at Russian and international political and expert community, as well as for the general readers interested in arms control issues.


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