“Red Landlord”. The Figure of Anatol Bonch-Osmolovsky and His Role in the Revolutionary Movement of Belarus

2020 ◽  
pp. 3-26
Author(s):  
Uładzimir Liakhouski
Keyword(s):  
Political Activity ◽  
Democratic Institutions ◽  
Revolutionary Movement ◽  
Party Leaders ◽  
Political Biography ◽  
Political Independence ◽  
National Movement ◽  
The Social ◽  
Revolutionary Party ◽  
Farm Program

The article is devoted to the social and political activity of Anatol Osipovich Bonch-Osmolovsky, who was one of the best representatives of the neopopulist direction in the revolutionary movement of Belarus and Russia in 1905–1917. This political biography of one of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party leaders looks at the revolutionary process and the establishment of democratic institutions in a predominantly peasant country by following Bonch-Osmolovsky’s opinions. The attitudes of the “red landowner” to the farm program, to the SocialistRevolutionary Party’s terror, to the Belarusian national movement, and to the idea of Belarus’ political independence are analysed in this article.

The Old and New Face of Civic Education: Expert, Teacher, and Student Views

2003 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 446-454 ◽  
Author(s):  
Heinrich Mintrop
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Critical Thinking ◽  
Civic Education ◽  
Community Organizing ◽  
Educational Achievement ◽  
International Association ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Expert Teacher ◽  
The Social ◽  
Teachers And Students

Using the representative database of the Second International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement (IEA) Civic Education Study, this article takes a look at civic education through the lens of expert scholars, teachers, and students. The data reveals that, as some of the experts reported, political interest is not pervasive among students and classrooms are not places where a culture of debate, controversy, and critical thinking flourishes for students. But things have changed if civic education was primarily an imparting of facts about national history and the workings of the political system. As for teachers, now the discourse of rights and the social movements associated with it top the list of curricular concerns. Large majorities of teachers share with national scholars a conceptualization of civic education as critical thinking and value education, repudiating knowledge transformation as ideal, and they recognize the wide gulf that exists between these ideals and reality. As for many students, political disinterest notwithstanding, forms of participation born out of social movements and community organizing are the preferred channels of political activity. And yet, it seems the experts have a point: the field is not where it should be.

scholarly journals PARTICIPATION OF PEASANTS OF THE SIMBIRSK VOLGA REGION IN REVOLUTIONARY AND TERRORIST ACTIVITIES CARRIED OUT BY THE SOCIALIST REVOLUTIONARY PARTY (1905–1907)

2021 ◽  
pp. 65-74
Author(s):  
Andrei V. Mankov
Keyword(s):  
Political Violence ◽  
Rural Areas ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Political Organization ◽  
Volga Region ◽  
The Social ◽  
Revolutionary Party ◽  
Significant Phenomenon ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
Xix Century

In the second half of the XIX century, revolutionary terrorism emerged in the territory of the Russian Empire. This particular kind of socio-political violence was promoted in those years by some populist groups that worked primarily in Moscow and St. Petersburg, for example, the Ishutin circle, which consisted mainly of students. One of its participants, a former student D. Karakozov, shot at the Russian Emperor Alexander II 155 years ago in April 1866 in St. Petersburg. The most famous “revolutionary terrorists” of Russia were members of the largest Russian opposition political organization of the XIX century, “Narodnaya Volya”, most of whom were, as one used to say then, raznochinets. Revolutionary terrorism in the empire reached its peak in the first years of the XX century (1902–1907), when it became part of the strategy and tactics of a number of opposition political parties and organizations of neo-populist orientation. They acted both in the national regions of the country (Little Russia, Transcaucasia) and in Russian capitals and regions. First of all, this has to do with the All-Russian Party of Socialist Revolutionaries (SRs). At the same time, in the territory of the Russian provinces in the era of brutal revolutionary terrorism in the country, not only the Socialist revolutionaries had their revolutionary-terrorist (combat) formations. So, during this period, terrorist units were created by the SR Maximalists who left the party during the First Russian Revolution and contributed to the ideological and organizational split of the Social Revolutionaries. In the same years, various anarchist structures had combat organizations. Having become a significant phenomenon of the socio-political life of a huge country, terrorism drew representatives of different social groups of the population into its practice. What was the role of the peasantry in the Socialist-Revolutionary terror? The author gives examples where the peasants of the Simbirsk Volga region took part in carrying out terrorist attacks. The researcher concludes that Russian peasants were among the active participants in combat units, which is clearly seen in the examples of combat structures of Simbirsk provincial organization of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party, in the ranks of which, for example, in rural areas, there were combat squads consisting mainly of peasants.

scholarly journals ALTERNANCE IN THE FORMATION OF COUNTRYSIDE EDUCATORS: LOOKING FOR MARKERS IN THE ACADEMIC PRODUCTIONS AND SOCIAL REPRESENTATIONS OF EDUCATION STUDENTS

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (26) ◽  
pp. 339-350
Author(s):  
Josiane das Graças Carvalho ◽  
Lourdes Helena Da Silva
Keyword(s):  
Higher Education ◽  
Social Movements ◽  
Rural Education ◽  
Social Representations ◽  
Higher Education Institutions ◽  
Education Students ◽  
Academic Production ◽  
National Movement ◽  
The Social ◽  
Rural Teaching

The Education in the Countryside is part of a national movement that, starred by collective individuals of the countryside, has conquered several social, political and academic accomplishments. Among them, the Program of Support to Higher Education in Countryside Teaching – PROCAMPO, which has its origins in the fights and claims of social movements, allowed the creation of 42 new courses of Education in Rural Teaching in different Brazilian Higher Education Institutions. These courses work under Alternance training, between Time-School and Time-Community, contributing to the expansion, in our society, of the Formation by Alternance in the Higher Education, particularly in the Rural Education Graduation Courses, constituting a very recent phenomenon in the Brazilian Universities. Aiming to find a better comprehension about this educative phenomenon, the present paper has the purpose of presenting an overview of the national academic production about the alternance in the courses of formation of countryside educators, analyzing the social representations of alternance built by Rural Education students of the Federal University of Viçosa, looking for advance makers, challenges and perspectives in this pedagogical dynamic in the Higher Educaction.       

scholarly journals “No éramos del MIR los pobladores, nosotros estábamos por una necesidad que era la vivienda”: Los pobladores del campamento Nueva La Habana y el MIR, 1970-1973

2017 ◽  
pp. 107
Author(s):  
Alejandra Araya González
Keyword(s):  
Identity Construction ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
The Political ◽  
Housing Assistance ◽  
Revolutionary Movement ◽  
Political Experience ◽  
Political Relations ◽  
The Social ◽  
Squatter Settlement ◽  
Siglo Xx

Dentro de los repertorios de acción del movimiento de pobladores, sobresalen las formas en que estos actores urbanos se relacionaron con organismos políticos durante la búsqueda de solución a su problema habitacional. Este artículo propone un análisis de las relaciones socio-políticas que sostuvieron los pobladores del Nueva La Habana con el MIR entre 1970-1973, postulando que aquellos vínculos marcaron una dinámica social-política oscilante entre la búsqueda de una asistencia habitacional y la influencia política de un movimiento revolucionario que recién se vinculaba con los pobladores. En esta línea, se postula que la construcción identitaria de los pobladores de Nueva La Habana se puede entender a partir de una conducta pragmática en la experiencia política que vivieron con los dirigentes del MIR, constituyendo un sello identitario sustancial, que abre una perspectiva histórica para comprender la conducta social-política de los pobladores durante la segunda mitad del siglo XX y el Chile actual.Palabras clave: Movimiento de pobladores, Campamento Nueva La Habana, MIR, experiencia política.“We, the squatters, did not belong to the MIR, we were there because our necessity of dwelling”: Squatters of the squatter settlement Nueva La Habana and the MIR, 1970-1973AbstractIn histories of action of the squatters’ movement, we can highlight the ways in which these urban actors related to political organisms looking for a solution to their housing problem. This article proposes an analysis of the socio-political relations among the squatters of New Havana and the MIR between 1970-1973, postulating that those links marked an oscillating social-political dynamics between the search for a housing assistance and the political influence of a revolutionary movement that was linked with the squatters. In this sense, it is postulated that the identity construction of the inhabitants of Nueva La Habana can be understood from a pragmatic behavior in the political experience they lived with MIR’s leaders, constituting a substantial identity character that opens a historical perspective for understanding the social-political behavior of the squatters during the second half of the Twentieth Century and today in Chile.Keywords: Movement of squatters, New Havana squatter settlement, MIR, political experience.“Os povoadores não éramos do MIR, nós estávamos por uma necessidade que foi a morada”: Os moradores do acampamento a Nueva La Habana e o MIR, 1970-1973ResumoDentro dos repertórios de ação do movimento de povoadores, sobressaem asmaneiras pelas quais esses atores urbanos se relacionaram com organizações políticas durante a busca de uma solução para seu problema habitacional. Este artigo propõe uma análise das relações sócio-políticas que sustentaram aos povoadores da Nueva La Habana com o MIR entre 1970-1973, postulando que esses laços, marcaram uma dinâmica sócio-política que oscilam entre a busca de assistência habitacional e a influência política de um movimento revolucionário que, recentemente, se vinculava com os povoadores. Nesta linha, postula-se que a construção da identidade dos povoadores da Nueva La Habana pode ser entendida a partir de uma conduta pragmática na experiência política viveram com os dirigentes do MIR, constituindo um selo de identidade substancial, que abre uma perspectiva histórica para compreender a conduta sócio-política dos povoadores durante a segunda metade do século XX e o Chile atual.Palavras-chave: Movimento de povoadores, Acampamento Nova Havana, MIR, experiência política.

scholarly journals PERGERAKAN PELAJAR MINANGKABAU

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 197-206
Author(s):  
Erman
Keyword(s):  
College Students ◽  
Social Situation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Movements ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
National Movement ◽  
The Social ◽  
History Of ◽  
Research Findings ◽  
The Impact

The research aimed to reveal the history of the Raya Magazine and writing on political movements promoted by Islamic College students in Minangkabau. The research findings succeeded in revealing that Raya Magazine was present in the midst of strengthening colonial political pressure and the weakening of the national movement in the 1930s. The political movement was one of the themes of the national movement which was of special note and attention to the Islamic College Students Association. This theme was encountered in several articles during publication, mainly related to the weakening of non-cooperative parties in carrying out movements. The social situation that helped shape the theme of the political movement was the impact caused by the application of vergaderverbood in 1933 and arrested a number of non-cooperative parties leaders, especially Partindo, PNI Baru, and Permi.

scholarly journals Obrazy unii między Wielkim Księstwem Litewskim a Królestwem Polskim w litewskiej pamięci zbiorowej (koniec XIX w. – 1940 r.)

2017 ◽  
Vol 41 ◽  
pp. 156-174
Author(s):  
Dangiras Mačiulis
Keyword(s):  
Negative Evaluation ◽  
Negative Consequences ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Independence ◽  
Public Figures ◽  
National Movement ◽  
Polish Society ◽  
Grand Duchy Of Lithuania ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
Grand Duchy

The images of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and the Union of the Kingdom of Poland in Lithuanian collective memory (end of the 19th c. – 1940)Since the end of the 19th century the Lithuanian national movement created several narrations about national history, which presented a negative evaluation of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and the Union of the Kingdom of Poland. Polonization of Lithuania was highlighted as the most negative consequence of these Unions.All unions formed under the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and the Union of the Kingdom of Poland got negative evaluation in the discourse of Lithuanian nationalism. However, the Union of Lublin was considered to be the greatest harm – it was evaluated as a fatal moment in the Lithuanian history giving rise to the processes of dangerous Lithuanian national ethnic identity loss. The Lithuanian national movement proclaimed cultural and political independence, and declared that the revival of historical ideal of the Unions’ national identity was unacceptable for the Lithuanian nation.When discussing the Lithuanians’ rights to political independence with the Polish public figures and reacting to ambitions of the Polish political figures to restore Poland with the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth national borders of 1772, in the Lithuanian press the image of two Unions (usually, the Union of Lublin) was presented as the symbol underlying the Lithuanian national political and cultural dependence. The image of the Union of Lublin was like an obligatory illustration of the Lithuanian nationalism discourse underlining the negative consequences of the union for the Lithuanian nation. It was the Union of Lublin that became the generalized image of all unions and the symbol of Lithuanian political, ethnic, cultural dependence, the memory location underlying the traumatic memory.The initiatives of the Polish public figures to actualize the memories about the unions caused the Lithuanians’ negative response and numerous discussions. A similar situation happened in 1913 when the Polish society mentioned the 500th anniversary of the Herald Union. The celebration of this anniversary was evaluated by Lithuanians as a Polish attempt to revive the political union ideal – as an attempt to make Lithuania a part of Poland. The debates of those times were used by the public figures of the Lithuanian national movement in order to emphasize the orientation of the Lithuanian national movement towards the cultural and political emancipation and underline that the Lithuanians do not accept any idea of state revival reasoned by historical unions.The image of unions in the interwar Lithuania of the 20th century was the most vivid in propagandist discourse during the fights for Lithuanian independence and when trying to restore the historical capital, Vilnius. This image was used as a rhetoric figure of propagandist discourse symbolizing the Lithuanian slavery and a threat of its dependence on Poland.  Obrazy unii między Wielkim Księstwem Litewskim a Królestwem Polskim w litewskiej pamięci zbiorowej (koniec XIX w. – 1940 r.)Od końca XIX w. litewski ruch narodowy tworzył narracje historyczne, w których unie między Wielkim Księstwem Litewskim (dalej WKL) a Królestwem Polskim oceniano negatywnie. Za największy negatywny skutek unii uznano polonizację Litwy.W litewskim dyskursie nacjonalistycznym negatywnie oceniono wszystkie unie zawarte między WKL a Królestwem Polskim, jednak jako największe zło traktowano unię lubelską – decydujący punkt w historii Litwy, od którego rozpoczął się groźny proces utraty tożsamości przez naród litewski. Litewski ruch narodowy głosił dążenie do wolności kulturowej i politycznej. Towarzyszyła temu deklaracja, że dla narodu litewskiego nie do przyjęcia jest odrodzenie historycznej unijnej idei państwowości.W toczącej się w prasie litewskiej dyskusji z polskimi działaczami społecznymi o prawach Litwinów do samodzielności politycznej oraz w reakcji na ambicje polskich działaczy społecznych przywrócenia państwowości Polski w granicach Rzeczpospolitej Obojga Narodów z 1772 r., obraz unii (najczęściej lubelskiej) pojawiał się jako symbol zależności politycznej i kulturowej narodu litewskiego. Wizja unii lubelskiej była obowiązkową ilustracją litewskiego dyskursu nacjonalistycznego, świadczącą o negatywnych skutkach unii dla Litwinów. To właśnie unia lubelska stała się uogólnionym obrazem wszystkich unii oraz symbolem niewoli politycznej, narodowej i kulturowej Litwinów, traumatycznym miejscem pamięci.Inicjatywy polskich działaczy, by przywrócić pamięć o uniach, wywoływały negatywną reakcję ze strony Litwinów i rodziły dyskusje. Tak się stało, na przykład, w 1913 r., gdy polskie społeczeństwo obchodziło jubileusz 500. rocznicy unii horodelskiej. Obchody te oceniono jako próbę Polaków ożywienia idei unii politycznej – dążenie do uczynienia z Litwy części Polski. Ówczesne dyskusje działacze litewskiego ruchu narodowego wykorzystali do tego, by podkreślić swoje dążenie do emancypacji kulturowej i politycznej oraz zaznaczenia, że Litwini nie akceptują żadnej idei odrodzenia państwowości, opartej na uniach historycznych.W okresie międzywojennym na Litwie obraz unii najbardziej był dostrzegalny w dyskursie propagandowym w okresie walk o niepodległość Litwy oraz w dążeniu do odzyskania historycznej stolicy Wilna. Obraz ten wykorzystano jako figurę retoryczną dyskursu propagandowego, symbolizującą niewolę Litwy i jej uzależnienie od Polski.

Social and political activity of Voronezh Governorate peasants in 1917: cooperation with the authorities and geography of reduced conflicts

2020 ◽  
pp. 181-188
Author(s):  
Mikhail E. Razinkov
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Analysis ◽  
Textual Analysis ◽  
Social Conflict ◽  
Land Ownership ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Conflict Behavior ◽  
Private Land ◽  
The Social ◽  
Low Activity

The research is based on data on acts of cooperation of various peasant population categories with the revolutionary authorities. The relevance of the problem lies in the minimal study of these issues, since historiography studied mainly the conflict behavior of peasants. We point to the presence of a large number of forms of interaction between peasants both with the February and October authorities in 1917. Using the methods of textual analysis we givethe analysis of the wel-coming telegrams to the State Duma. An intermediate conclusion was made that the desire of the peasants to interact with the authorities did not lead directly to a decrease in the social conflict de-gree. Attention is drawn to the presence in 1905–1907 and 1917 so-called “zones of low activity” of peasant revolts. Asking the question about the reasons for the existence of such zones, we turn to the comparative analysis of the situation at the county-volost level (using the example of Ostrogozhsky and Bogucharsky districts), concluding that the traditional explanation of the existence of such zones with a small share of private land ownership does not fully explain the situation. An explanation of the emerging situation is offered by a more complex of socio-economic, socio-political and socio-everyday factors, as well as source problems.

Between Majority and Minority: A Model for Understanding and Promoting Culturally Competent Policy Practice in Multicultural Societies

2019 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 506-524 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hani Nouman
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Competence ◽  
Social Workers ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Culturally Competent ◽  
Practice Model ◽  
Policy Practice ◽  
The Social ◽  
Therapeutic Context ◽  
Different Dimensions ◽  
Policy Arena

Abstract The engagement of social workers in policy-shaping processes reflects the commitment of the social work profession to promoting equality and social justice. Whilst in many countries engagement is a professional requirement, one cannot ignore the fact that it is essentially a political activity inextricably linked to the socio-political context in which it occurs. Cultural competence for engagement in shaping policy processes is necessary to promote effective engagement of social workers in policy practice in cross-cultural political situations. Notwithstanding the focus of the literature on cultural competence in the past decade, it centres mainly on the intercultural encounter between social workers and clients and on the therapeutic context, with emphasis on the practitioner belonging to the dominant Western culture whilst the client belongs to the less dominant ‘other’ in society. This article attempts to fill the gap by developing a theoretical culturally competent policy practice model to examine different dimensions of cultural competence required for the engagement of social workers from different ethnic groups in the policy arena. In addition, the article presents the significant implications of the model for policy, practice and research.

scholarly journals The “Impossibilist Revolt” in Britain

1956 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 377-397 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chushichi Tsuzuki
Keyword(s):  
Great Britain ◽  
Labour Party ◽  
Socialist Party ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
Political Tradition ◽  
The Social ◽  
Revolutionary Party ◽  
History Of ◽  
Revolutionary Movements

The Socialist Labour Party and the Socialist Party of Great Britain came into existence as the result of the “impossibilist revolt” of 1900–1904. The “revolt” was a movement of a few hundred socialists within the Social Democratic Federation, itself a social revolutionary party with a membership of only a few thousands. The absence of widespread support for any of these revolutionary movements in a country whose political tradition has remained predominantly constitutional accounts for the fact that the crisis inside the S.D.F., and with it the origins of the S.L.P. and the S.P.G.B. themselves have been consigned to obscurity in the history of British Socialism.

scholarly journals Pathways to global democracy? Escaping the statist imaginary

2013 ◽  
Vol 39 (4) ◽  
pp. 789-813 ◽  
Author(s):  
ADRIAN LITTLE ◽  
KATE MACDONALD
Keyword(s):  
Social Conditions ◽  
Democratic Institutions ◽  
Global Level ◽  
Foreseeable Future ◽  
Global Democracy ◽  
Democratic Practice ◽  
Nation States ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Conditions ◽  
National Experience

AbstractCritics of global democracy have often claimed that the social and political conditions necessary for democracy to function are not met at the global level, and are unlikely to be in the foreseeable future. Such claims are usually developed with reference to national democratic institutions, and the social conditions within national democratic societies that have proved important in sustaining them. Although advocates of global democracy have contested such sceptical conclusions, they have tended to accept the method of reasoning from national to global contexts on which they are based. This article critiques this method of argument, showing that it is both highly idealised in its characterisation of national democratic practice, and overly state-centric in its assumptions about possible institutional forms that global democracy might take. We suggest that if aspiring global democrats – and their critics – are to derive useful lessons from social struggles to create and sustain democracy within nation states, a less idealised and institutionally prescriptive approach to drawing global lessons from national experience is required. We illustrate one possible such approach with reference to cases from both national and global levels, in which imperfect yet meaningful democratic practices have survived under highly inhospitable – and widely varying – conditions.

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