scholarly journals Socio-cultural and political sources of ethnocultural split in Ukraine

2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 124-132
Author(s):  
Storozhuk S. ◽  

The article examines the socio-cultural and political sources of the modern ethnocultural division of Ukraine and shows that the historically formed cultural division of Ukrainian society due to geographical and political factors was significantly leveled in the Soviet assimilation policy, but was not completely overcome due to slight industrialization of Ukrainian villages and west. As a result, the Ukrainian population was divided into several separate strips, which contributed to the deepening of the cultural divide with other, industrially developed, but de-ethnicized Ukrainian regions. The lack of ethnic unity of Ukrainians and the active position of national minorities in regions with a large number of ethnically related groups, in the absence of a balanced national policy, have become the main causes of ethnocultural division in Ukraine. Overcoming the latter is possible in the process of gradual introduction of general civilizational principles of civil society and the formation of economic, social and spiritual conditions for the development of both the individual and the community. Only when the permanent economic crisis is overcome and science, education and culture broadcast by the national language are raised to the level of state values, without marginalizing the nation-building significance of the languages of interethnic communication, Ukrainian society will become a nation.

1986 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-65 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. J. Smolicz

A brief historical review of language policies in Australia up to the publication of the Senate Standing Committee's Report on a National Language Policy in 1984 is given. The recommendations of the Report are discussed in the light of the ethno-cultural or core value significance that community languages have for many minority ethnic groups in Australia. Recent research findings on such languages are presented and their implications for a national language policy considered. It is postulated that the linguistic pluralism generated by the presence of community languages needs to be viewed in the context of a framework of values that includes English as the shared language for all Australians. From this perspective, it is argued that the stress that the Senate Committee Report places upon the centrality of English in Australia should be balanced by greater recognition of the linguistic rights of minorities and their implications for bilingual education. It is pointed out that both these aspects of language policy have been given prominence in recent statements and guidelines released by the Ministers of Education in Victoria and South Australia. The paper concludes by pointing to the growing interest in the teaching of languages other than English to all children in Australian schools.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 67
Author(s):  
William Walter Bostock

The private has great significance for the individual as it is where identity is stored. However, the private comes at a cost, particularly in a time of mass surveillance, which is heightened by the present Coronavirus pandemic, and is becoming more and more rare as individuals seek security. At the collective level, whole societies are moving towards privatisation, as the private gives relief from increased surveillance by media, governments and informed individuals and organisations, thus allowing more operational flexibility. Private and public are significant as polar ends of a spectrum in which individuals and collectivities must position themselves on a wide range of issues while maintaining identity. As shown in the case of airport privatisation, the determining process has been influenced by cultural factors such as a desire to avoid surveillance and scrutiny, sociological factors such as contagion, and political factors such as convergence. In all areas of human activity, a rebalancing between private and public may be necessary, and a transdisciplinary approach would be appropriate.


2020 ◽  
pp. 183-195
Author(s):  
Iuliia Makarets

The article deals with sociolinguistic analysis of modern official female onomasticon of Ukraine. Its dynamics reflects processes, which are taking place in language system, and changes in society, social demographic and ethnic pattern, cultural markers and values, even the extent of legal regulation of social relations. Sociologists are interested in personal names as a means of social categorization and differentiation of individuals. Legists see them as a tool for one’s legalization and as an object of legal protection. Anthropologists study them as special units of communication and interaction between generations. For linguists they are a specific typexplore them linguists – ists of means of lexical nomination. Linguistically onomasticon is a valuable source of information on the current state of language norms, level of linguistic culture of the population, and the status correlation between languages in society. According to the date of the Ministry of Justice of Ukraine, the repertoire of newborn girls’ names in 2015–2019 exceeded half a thousand units. It’s due to the magnitude of globalization processes in naming, restoration of national naming traditions, rising social freedom in choosing names, and, sometimes, the decay of sense of responsibility in naming and insufficient language culture. About third part of female names appears as phonetic, orthographic and morphological variants. Ukraine is a multinational state and representatives of other nationalities and national minorities maintain their own naming traditions. Ukrainian spelling of these names in documents often is inconsequent. Often variants arise due to the ambiguity of transliteration, Ukrainian-Russian language interference and violation of Ukrainian spelling standard. Much less it is a result of alive alternation in the Ukrainian language. Rows of variants of the same official female name consist from two to five or six units. Among them there are normative and anomalous variants. In first case main and optional variants can be distinguished. Optional variants are not conventional in language practice but they do not violate the essential features of national language system (over time, some of them may become more popular than the main variant). Linguistically such variants are the same unit, the natural manifestation of potentialities of language system. But legally, person’s name can’t be spelled differently in her documents.


2019 ◽  
pp. 212-220
Author(s):  
Olena Chorna

The influence of scientific terminology on the formation of the national language is manifested in the expansion of the terminological vocabulary of the Ukrainian language at the expense of words associated with new types of mental and practical activity, in interaction with the lexical system of living, spoken language, in categorical differentiation of lexemes (belonging to different categories – names processes, objects, phenomena, individuals, institutions), in the formation of the first system formations on the disparate terms basis. Tax terminology belongs to the ancient layers of the lexical system, its formation depends on many linguistic and extra-linguistic factors. The functioning of the tax vocabulary as a certain integral system, its development and ordering were the least studied of Ukrainian Linguistic issues. The least studied in linguistic-Ukrainian studies were the questions of the functioning of the tax vocabulary as a certain integral system, its development and organization. The analysis of the historical background of economic activity in the Ukrainian language aspect, is closely linked to the Ukrainian political history. In addition, we take into account the geopolitical situation that arose as a result of the distribution of Ukrainian lands for several centuries between different states, where Ukrainians followed to legislations of these countries, where the rights and status of the Ukrainian language manifested itself in different ways. Different linguistic and political orientations of the regions of Ukraine had influenced on the formation of the tax terminology on the Dnieper and Dniester territories. As follows, there were extralinguistic factors of analyzed terms borrowing which had the main influence on the process, such as: Integration processes in science, the high level of development of this science-applied discipline in the countries of Western Europe. The long existence of Ukraine in conditions of economic, socio-political and cultural dependence on neighbouring states. As a result of the historical and political factors, the stages of free, natural development of terminology, dominance in all spheres of special language, specifically Ukrainian vocabulary, as alternating with the stages of artificial Russification, polonization or Germanization of the economic vocabulary of the Ukrainian language with parallel withdrawal from the circulation of terms created on its own linguistic basis. The sources of the Ukrainian tax terminology were such languages as Latin, Greek, French, German, Lithuanian, Italian, English, Turkish, Arabic, Polish. The situation of uncertainty and ambiguity of approaches that has developed in Ukraine in the field of scientific language (scientific style in general) requires serious linguistic analysis and developing of specific recommendations for the creation and use of terms due to their solidity in science and the language, convenience, and the correspondence of the Ukrainian language system. That is why particular importance is the question of the correlation of the national language and foreign languages terms, the role of borrowing in the system of development modern Ukrainian terminology. The best option is to use national terms if they correspond to the optimal aesthetic, linguistic and cultural characteristics, psychological characteristics. The situation of uncertainty ambiguity of approaches which has developed in Ukraine in the field of the scientific language, (the scientific style in general),needs serious linguistic analysis and making specific recommendations as for creating and using terms, considering on their solidity in science and language, convenience, compliance with the Ukrainian language system.


2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-119
Author(s):  
Dana Schmalz

Abstract Language rights have traditionally been codified and discussed in the context of minority protection. The identification of language rights with questions of national minorities can, however, confound the analysis. This article explores the freedom of using a language and argues that the individual dimension of language rights must not be ignored beside the group dimension. The argument proceeds along a reading of three recent cases from the European Court of Human Rights, which concerned the use of Kurdish in Turkey. The Court’s reasoning illustrates the risk of an ‘anxiety logic’, which sees any language rights in connection with political claims of groups, thereby introducing additional conditions for the right and disregarding the significance a specific language can have for an individual, being more than a medium of conveying and receiving information. Conceptualising language use as an individual freedom is necessary also to account for situations other than national minorities, most importantly for the language rights of immigrants.


2003 ◽  
pp. 10-20
Author(s):  
O.R. Lypka

In the post-Soviet period, the problem of reviving the spirituality of our people arose in Ukrainian society. Today, after twelve years of Ukraine's independence, the question of whether or not this revival has taken place remains open. Perhaps, largely because the phenomenon of spirituality is complex and multifaceted, its semantic horizons are still blurred. The study of the formation of the spirituality of the individual will allow us to get to know one aspect of this phenomenon more deeply. Finding out ways to bring to life the various forms of personality spirituality will help to identify which of these forms a person is capable of realizing in today's Ukrainian society.


2018 ◽  
pp. 60-68
Author(s):  
Mykola Obushnyi

The article is devoted to the disclosure of the place and role of ideology as a factor in the consolidation of Ukrainians in the post-colonial era. It is proved that in the Ukrainian state-building process the problem of consolidation of Ukrainians is relevant and complex, and still remains one of the most important. As Ukrainian progress, which opens up new opportunities for the socio-economic, political and spiritual development of Ukrainian society, depends on its solution. It is emphasized that effective work of subjects of consolidation of Ukrainians depends on a complex of socio-economic, political and spiritual factors. One of the determining factors in the spiritual sphere is ideology, which should be national in its essence, since it is intended to unite all representatives of ethnic and national minorities of Ukrainian society, based on the ideas of spirituality, social justice and national patriotism, taking into account historical traditions and existing realities of the modern world. Exactly this kind of unifying ideology should determine the main direction of the Ukrainian policy of the unity of society, the system of its ideals and values. Therefore, the search for such an ideology is an important factor in the consolidation of Ukrainians, especially in today post-colonial era. World experience clearly shows that those societies that have an ideological consolidation core, which is understandable and supported by every citizen, are developing more dynamically. According to its status, this consolidation core is one of the ideological foundations of state ideology, the discussion on its development is still ongoing. Its acuteness intensifies the existing confrontation of the various, though not formed party ideologies, which somehow still claim to state status, trying to revise the legislative norm, according to which the most important carrier of state ideology is the Constitution. And other bearers of state ideology have the right, within their powers and ideological directions, to use the fundamental principles of state ideology, such as: to defend state independence and sovereignty, democratic social order, civil society, human rights, etc., but they shoyd not revise these fundamental basics of statehood. A special protection needs a consolidation aspect of state ideology, since it is a kind of manifestation of civic education and the core of person politicization. In each state, ideology is called differently - Americanism, Russianism, Polonism, Zionism, and so on. In Ukraine, due to the kind of scientific ostracism that appeared (and quite well-grounded) after the proclamation of independence in connection with the contemporary ideology and mono-ideology that was in the Soviet Union, it is difficult to name the ideology. Nowadays, a number of scholars and party ideologists are inclined to think that the term "solidarism", based on the ideas of the consolidation of the ideology of Ukrainians, could be used, based on the ideas that only solidarity of just cooperation and mutual assistance of all members of society is the basis of social, economic and political progress. It is noteworthy that some Ukrainian political parties in their updated (after the Revolution of Dignity) programs use the term "solidarism" to consolidate Ukrainians. In particular, the political party, the People's Front, defines its programmatic task to restore the territorial integrity of Ukraine, liberate it from terrorists, foreign troops, mercenaries, and to conduct reforms. The PF ideologists associate these tasks with the consolidation of Ukrainians. Ideologists of the Ukrainian Democratic Alliance for Reform (UDAR) political party proceed from the assumption that only a consolidated country can be effective and competitive in the world. "We must realize, - stated in the UDAR program, that the goals that unite us are more important than the historical myths and ideologies that can separate us." A lot of attention is paid to the problem of consolidation of Ukrainians through the disclosure of the idea of solidarity in the program of the political party "Petro Poroshenko Bloc Solidarity "(new edition). In this program it is declared for the first time that the party puts the idea of solidarity at the basis of its ideology. The idea of solidarity in the «Batkivshchyna» Party, whose program was adopted in 1999, has its own story, but as long as this solidarity spirit is officially not reflected as an ideology in its program. The article contains a recommendation for Ukrainian political forces to study more thoroughly the ideological grounds of solidarity ideas with a view to their possible use in their political and ideological activities.


2020 ◽  
pp. 45-57
Author(s):  
Taisiya Shulga

The purpose of the article is to determine the factors that influenced the process of the development and implementation of Lithuania’s foreign and domestic policies in the field of migration within the framework of the EU rules (dispositive and imperative) and identify those factors that may have a similar effect on the stability of migration processes in Ukraine with regard to its accession to the EU. The task is to determine the problems (negative preconditions and consequences) of the migration sector based on the analysis of more than a decade of experience of Lithuania as an EU member and the influence of the latest European crisis. Lithuania’s strategies with regard to the following issues are relevant to Ukraine’s European integration aspirations: the migration crisis in the EU, in terms of overcoming it through a “relocation plan;” and the integration of the national minorities of Lithuania, including the Roma minority, into the country’s civil society. Furthermore, some of Lithuania’s efforts actively support Ukraine’s European integration aspirations, such as the attempt to model how current problems can be predicted and resolved by Ukraine if it acquires EU membership, on the basis of Lithuania’s experience, which has relevance for Ukraine due to the fact that Lithuania and Ukraine – along Poland and other countries – inherited the Soviet system of government, and because of their similar mentality and current bilateral relations. After the Ukrainian crisis in 2014, and the subsequent EU migration crisis in 2015, Lithuania reviewed its national policy priorities taking into account that its state boundary is the part of the EU boundary, without any “buffer zone.”


1996 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 100-108
Author(s):  
Dilnawaz A. Siddiqui

Popular Culture in Medieval Cairo. By Boaz Shoshan. Cambridge, UK andNew York Press Syndicate of the University of Cambridge, 1993.148 pp.Struggle and Survival in the Modern Middle East. By Edmund Burke, III(ed.). Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1993,400 pp.Living Islam: From Samarkand to Stornoway. By Akbar Ahmed. NewYork: Facts on File, Inc., 1994.224 pp.One of the many expressions of the postmodernist revolt against themodernist western establishment is said to be its popular culture. The theoreticalliterature produced across this cultural divide often characterizes itin terms of two extremes: as a supreme expression of the true aspirations ofthe heretofore underprivileged masses or as a weapon in the hands of thetraditionally powerful political, social, and economic elites. The latter useit as a tool with which to manipulate the masses for their own respectiveagendas. A constant refrain of Hitler invoking Nazi supremacy over allhumanity, as well as our own self-serving politicians doing their own thingin the name of the “intelligent and well-informed will of the American people,”are only two of many examples of this instrument’s ubiquitous use.The Multiple Uses of Popular CultureThe vast grey area between these two margins includes umpteen otherdescriptions of popular culture, such as real “texture of our environment”and “adjustive syndrome,” and Matthew Arnold’s “heedless democratization.”In addition, there are such definitions as “banality” (Elliot), “reductionof the individual to basic instincts,” “titillation of the superficial senses”(Whitman), and “an expression denied by persistent puritanism and bourgeoispower” (Marx). Leavis also joined Arnold and Elliot in resisting thepopular resistance to “authority” found in traditional culture ...


1970 ◽  
Vol 14 (6) ◽  
Author(s):  
Viktoriia V. Mialenko

The article is devoted to the theoretical analysis of the educational influence on the process of national minorities’ integration and non-titled etnoses into the society. It deals with the primary empirical research results of the language-educational adaptation strategies of the Russian-speaking citizens of Ukraine.


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