scholarly journals ((Reforming the reality of the general budget in Iraq according to the criteria of efficiency allocations An analytical study for the period 2004-2018))

2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (119) ◽  
pp. 392-404
Author(s):  
زياد خلف خليل ◽  
سمر نعمان نوروز
Keyword(s):  
Allocative Efficiency ◽  
Oil Prices ◽  
The State ◽  
Public Budget ◽  
The Public ◽  
Oil Exports ◽  
Oil Revenues ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Efficiency Indicators ◽  
State Revenues

The Iraqi budget before 2003 suffers from the actual deficit problem due to the decrease in the number of oil exports and the decrease in state revenues, but after 2003 and after the improvement of the financial situation of the country (increased state revenues) due to the lifting of the blockade on Iraq and the increase in the quantities of oil exported, the problem that the public budget suffers from is the deficit Planned from (2004-2018). Because of the dependence on oil revenues, it was noticed that in the case of increased oil prices, the state’s revenues increase, so the waste and spending in spending increases as happened in 2011 and 2012, and in the case of low oil prices, the state shrinks its expenditures, as happened in 2014 and increased The costs of the war against ISIS The state pursued austerity policy. Iraq also suffers in preparing the state’s general budget by relying on the traditional budget (budget for items), which has become inconsistent with the size of developments in spending and increasing current expenditures and weak investment expenditures. Therefore, the type of budget adopted by the country in preparing the public budget must change in order to improve the situation Country economy. In order to assist officials in preparing the general budget, through the relationship between the actual budget and the estimated budget, the actual and estimated expenditures were analyzed and the comparison between the actual and the planned based on the allocative efficiency indicators for the purpose of diagnosing deviations and addressing them by relying on laws in making estimates that are based on accurate scientific foundations.                                                         

State and religion in a revolutionary era: perspectives and demands of the Islamic awakening†

2013 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 325-340
Author(s):  
Ridwan Al-Sayyid
Keyword(s):  
Political Islam ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
Revolutionary Era ◽  
The Public ◽  
Major Threat ◽  
Arab Uprisings ◽  
Holding Power ◽  
Main Disadvantage ◽  
The Relationship

This paper tackles the relationship between Islam and the state in light of the ongoing revolutions. It focuses on two perspectives: the Islamists' claim that the Shari'a and not the umma (community) are the source of legitimacy in the evolving regimes; and that it is the duty of the state to protect religion and apply the Shari'a. The main disadvantage of these propositions is that they preclude the Umma both from political power and Shari'a, thus pitting it against these two assets which become manipulated to its disadvantage by those holding power. On the other hand, an open-minded and reformist Islamic perspective believes in people regaining the prerogative to rule themselves, guided by their intellect and the public good. The main call for the Arab uprisings is to quit political Islam, which seems to be the major threat to religion, and dangerously divisive for societies.

Jainism in Danger? Temple entry and the rhetoric of religion and reform in post-colonial India

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-37
Author(s):  
MANISHA SETHI
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
Colonial India ◽  
The Public ◽  
Public Debates ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Open The Doors ◽  
The Relationship

Abstract A bitter debate broke out in the Digambar Jain community in the middle of the twentieth century following the passage of the Bombay Harijan Temple Entry Act in 1947, which continued until well after the promulgation of the Untouchability (Offences) Act 1955. These laws included Jains in the definition of ‘Hindu’, and thus threw open the doors of Jain temples to formerly Untouchable castes. In the eyes of its Jain opponents, this was a frontal and terrible assault on the integrity and sanctity of the Jain dharma. Those who called themselves reformists, on the other hand, insisted on the closeness between Jainism and Hinduism. Temple entry laws and the public debates over caste became occasions for the Jains not only to examine their distance—or closeness—to Hinduism, but also the relationship between their community and the state, which came to be imagined as predominantly Hindu. This article, by focusing on the Jains and this forgotten episode, hopes to illuminate the civilizational categories underlying state practices and the fraught relationship between nationalism and minorities.

Partnerships, Power, and Scale in Rural Governance

10.1068/c12m ◽  
2001 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 289-310 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bill Edwards ◽  
Mark Goodwin ◽  
Simon Pemberton ◽  
Michael Woods
Keyword(s):  
Development Policy ◽  
The State ◽  
State Agencies ◽  
Working Relationships ◽  
Politics Of Scale ◽  
The Public ◽  
Rural Governance ◽  
Local Actors ◽  
Rural Development Policy ◽  
The Relationship

Partnerships have become established as a significant vehicle for the implementation of rural development policy in Britain. In promoting new working relationships between different state agencies and between the public, private, and voluntary sectors, partnerships have arguably contributed to a reconfiguration of the scalar hierarchy of the state. In this paper we draw on recent debates about the ‘politics of scale’ and on empirical examples from Mid Wales and Shropshire to explore the scalar implications of partnerships. We investigate how discursive constructs of partnership are translated into practice, how official discourses are mediated by local actors, the relationship between partnerships and existing scales of governance, and the particular ‘geometry of power’ being constructed through partnerships. We argue that the existing scalar hierarchy of the state has been influential in structuring the scales and territories of partnerships, and that, despite an apparent devolution of the public face of governance, the state remains crucial in governing the process of governance through partnerships.

Concluding Remarks to Part 3

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Preminger
Keyword(s):  
Government Policy ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Community ◽  
Individual Responsibility ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Third ◽  
Third Sphere ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Relationship

Chapter 15 summarizes the chapters which addressed the third sphere, the relationship of labor to the political community. It reiterates that since Israel was established, the labor market’s borders have become ever more porous, while the borders of the national (Jewish) political community have remained firm: the Jewish nationalism which guides government policy is as strong as ever. NGOs, drawing on a discourse of human rights, are able to assist some non-citizens but this discourse also resonates with the idea of individual responsibility: the State is no longer willing to support “non-productive” populations, who are now being shoehorned into a labor market which offers few opportunities for meaningful employment, and is saturated by cheaper labor intentionally imported by the State in response to powerful employer lobbies. These trends suggest a partial reorientation of organized labor’s “battlefront”, from a face-off with capital to an appeal to the public and state.

Basic Income as a Human Right?

2019 ◽  
pp. 541-552
Author(s):  
Daniel J. Hemel
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Public Goods ◽  
The State ◽  
Human Being ◽  
Basic Income ◽  
Human Right ◽  
Global Commons ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Individual ◽  
The Relationship

This chapter suggests a human rights–based justification for national basic income schemes, contrasting it with justifications based on welfarist principles or notions of entitlement to a share of the global commons. Starting from the premise that a state is a collective enterprise that generates a surplus, it contends that any human being who is an “obedient” member of that state has a right to some share of the surplus. That right—which arises from the relationship between the individual and the state, and is independent of need—could justify the entitlement to a basic income. Such income should be provided in cash, not in kind, because the latter risks depriving the individual of the enjoyment of his share of the surplus—in effect, forcing him to forfeit or transfer it to others if he does not use the public goods or services provided by the state.

PUBLIC INTEREST AS A DETERMINANT OF TERRITORIAL AUTONOMY

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (XX) ◽  
pp. 223-233
Author(s):  
Przemysław Niemczuk
Keyword(s):  
Public Interest ◽  
National Interest ◽  
The State ◽  
Social Conditions ◽  
The Public ◽  
Relative Term ◽  
The Law ◽  
Distribution Of Power ◽  
The Relationship

The article aims to explore the concept of territorial autonomy. The research assumption is that public interest is one of the fundamental determinants of territorial autonomy. Territorial autonomy has not been defined by law. It is a general and relative term, and thus difficult to define (if such an enterprise is possible at all). However, one thing is certain - the idea behind this term determines the law regulating the organizational and territorial form of the state, i.e. the distribution of power between the centre and the territory. Further attempts to specify territorial autonomy are met with serious difficulties. Therefore, it is crucial to look at it through the prism of public interest. The term public interest has a relative meaning, because it depends on the constantly changing social conditions. This variability is, among others, a result of the territorial context. The national interest and the territorial interest will be defined in different ways. It seems, therefore, that in order to explicate the notion territorial autonomy, one should refer to the concept of public interest and then take into account the relationship between the interest of a territory and the interest of the whole state. This will make it possible to outline territorial autonomy through the prism of its determinant – the public interest.

THE PRINCELY STATE AND THE NOBLE FAMILY: CONFLICT AND CO-OPERATION IN THE MARGRAVIATES ANSBACH–KULMBACH IN THE EARLY SIXTEENTH CENTURY

2006 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-21
Author(s):  
HILLAY ZMORA
Keyword(s):  
Sixteenth Century ◽  
Public Debt ◽  
Family Conflict ◽  
Balance Of Power ◽  
The State ◽  
Dense Network ◽  
The Public ◽  
Princely State ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Unstable Position

Focusing on the Franconian margraviates of Brandenburg around 1500, this study argues that the process of state formation engendered an elite of nobles who derived their power and status from the possession of high office. It shows, however, that as the state expanded, and the princely debt mounted, the relationship between ruler and noble elite was transformed: the leading nobles came to control more and more of the state in terms of offices and share of the public debt. To secure themselves in this elevated but unstable position they developed a dense network of marriage alliances among themselves. By the early sixteenth century this consortium of eminent nobles acquired a powerful hold on the princely state to the detriment of the princes and the exclusion of fellow nobles. The article suggests that it is against this background that the notorious deposition in 1515 of Margrave Friedrich by his sons should be seen: his overthrow was, among other things, an outcome of a change in the balance of power between prince and nobles that had been taking place since 1450. Finally, this change played a part in the creation of the Imperial Knighthood by which the nobles constitutionally placed themselves outside the princely states.

scholarly journals Efektivitas Penerimaan Negara dengan Penerapan Modul Penerimaan Negara Generasi Kedua Wilayah Kerja

2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 109
Author(s):  
Andy Priyambodo
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
State Budget ◽  
The Public ◽  
State Revenue ◽  
Time Period ◽  
State Expenditure ◽  
State Revenues

State revenue is the most important part of the State Budget to finance various sectors of state expenditure. In support of this country's acceptance in apply MPN-G2 to facilitate the public in paying taxes. The result found that effectiveness of state revenue by applying of MPN-G2 system is quite effective in the case of quantity in the form of increasing percentage of amount of realization and transaction of state revenue. While the quality of state revenues after the MPN-G2 less effective because of input transparency of state revenue transactions is still too large so that the validity of the transaction is in doubt. For the duration of the state revenue with billing shows effective results because it is faster in the state revenue deposit, but the delegation of state revenue is less effective because it is still like the old system all transactions collected first with the time period determined after it was transferred to the state treasury. This study also produces factors that affect the effectiveness of state revenue with MPN-G2 such as communication, resources, and clarity of technology and procedures.

scholarly journals BENTUK DAN TANGGUNGJAWAB PIHAK BANK TERHADAP DANA SIMPANAN PARA NASABAH

Solusi ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 301-320
Author(s):  
Fitriah Fitriah
Keyword(s):  
Financial Institution ◽  
Civil Code ◽  
The State ◽  
The Public ◽  
Contractual Relationship ◽  
Savings Accounts ◽  
Legal Relationship ◽  
The People ◽  
Bank Secrecy ◽  
The Relationship

  A bank is a financial institution whose existence depends absolutely on the trust of its customers who entrust their savings funds. Banks are very concerned that the trust of the public, who have and who will save their funds, are well-maintained, considering that the bank is part of the financial system and payment system. Bank secrecy is very important because banks need the trust of the people who keep their money in the bank. The customer only entrusts his money to the bank or makes use of the bank's services if the bank provides a guarantee that the bank's knowledge of deposits and the state of their assets will not be misused. The legal relationship between the bank and the depository customer starts from the signing of a written agreement (contractual relationship) between the bank and the customer which contains the rights and obligations for each party. As for the form of agreement for depositing funds between the customer and the bank, it is called a deposit agreement (Article 1319 Civil Code). In a deposit agreement, the bank sets certain general requirements in a deposit account or savings account, among others, the recipient of the deposit (bank) can use the depositors' money and at a certain time the bank will provide interest. Other provisions that can be used as the basis of relations between banks and depositors are Proxy Giving. Depositors give their power to banks when signing deposit accounts or savings accounts or bank accounts. This agreement becomes a law or law for both parties (Article 1338 of the Civil Code). As a manifestation of the bank's responsibility for depositing customers, banks must pay attention to the 4 (four) pillars of the relationship between depositors and banks, namely: Prudence, Health, Bank Secrets and Trust

scholarly journals SURVEILLANCE INFRASTRUCTURES IN AND FOR CRISES: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF CHINA AND SOUTH KOREA’S DEVELOPMENT OF QUARANTINE SURVEILLANCE MOBILE APPLICATIONS DURING COVID-19

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Youngrim Kim ◽  
Yuchen Chen ◽  
Fan Liang ◽  
Muzammil Hussain
Keyword(s):  
Mobile Applications ◽  
The State ◽  
Chinese Government ◽  
Situational Analysis ◽  
Personal Privacy ◽  
The Public ◽  
National Crisis ◽  
South Korean ◽  
State Surveillance ◽  
The Relationship

This article examines China and South Korea’s health surveillance infrastructures that are being developed and deployed during COVID19. To control the outbreak and maintain the state, the Chinese government implemented the "Alipay Health Code” in collaboration with technology giants like Alibaba, while South Korea launched a “self-quarantine safety protection app” to enforce home isolation to suspected carriers and monitor their health statuses. By comparatively analyzing these quarantine surveillance mobile applications that the Chinese and South Korean governments are utilizing in pandemic control, we investigate how these two different governmental regimes - one authoritarian and the other democratic - construct and propagate what their state-of-the-art surveillance technologies can offer to the public in moments of emergency. Through a mixture of walk-through method and situational analysis, this article aims to unpack the processes in which these technologies become developed and examine the politics around their deployment. More broadly, we argue that analyzing them offers new opportunities to investigate the relationship between state surveillance and personal privacy in the context of a national crisis. As surveillance tactics that were deemed oppressive and undemocratic in ordinary times get easily normalized in crisis situations, these moments allow us to reveal the precarious and flexible nature of surveillance and privacy while destabilizing the West-oriented, dichotomic understanding of these concepts. This article tackles this question by observing the relationships among relevant actors – the state officials, industry professionals, and general users – and various contestations/negotiations involved in the processes of designing and deploying these quarantine surveillance apps.

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