scholarly journals Modern state: approaches to the definition of the essential characteristics

Author(s):  
Анна Геворкян ◽  
Anna Gevorkyan

The author attempted to distinguish and give characteristics of different approaches which define essential characteristics of modern states and classify states existing on the political map nowadays. Also the author distinguishes the most apparent features of modernity such as globalization, transformation to a post-industrial development, legal acculturation, states” integration in the international framework, supranational organizations’ development. The importance of globalization was characterized as a determinant of the modern state’s essential features’ modification. It also concluded that modern state is a type of the government system, which is characterized of the high level of society’s organization, full realization of democratic principles, economic development, industrial type of manufacturing, a large degree of engagement in supranational integrative processes and the aspiration to universality without losing uniquenes

Author(s):  
G.I. AVTSINOVA ◽  
М.А. BURDA

The article analyzes the features of the current youth policy of the Russian Federation aimed at raising the political culture. Despite the current activities of the government institutions in the field under study, absenteeism, as well as the protest potential of the young people, remains at a fairly high level. In this regard, the government acknowledged the importance of forming a positive image of the state power in the eyes of young people and strengthen its influence in the sphere of forming loyal associations, which is not always positively perceived among the youth. The work focuses on the fact that raising the loyalty of youth organizations is one of the factors of political stability, both in case of internal turbulence and external influence. The authors also focus on the beneficiaries of youth protests. The authors paid special attention to the issue of forming political leadership among the youth and the absence of leaders expressing the opinions of young people in modern Russian politics. At the same time, youth protest as a social phenomenon lack class and in some cases ideological differences. The authors come to the conclusion that despite the steps taken by the government and political parties to involve Russian youth in the political agenda, the young people reject leaders of youth opinion imposed by the authorities, either cultivating nonparticipation in the electoral campagines or demonstrating latent protest voting.


2020 ◽  
Vol 152 ◽  
pp. 54-63
Author(s):  
Aleksandr I. Ageev ◽  
◽  
Alexander V. Putilov ◽  
◽  

Changing the priorities of economic development in transition to post-industrial society inevitably causes reviewing approaches to the role of innovation in modern economy. If in the era of industrial development of society innovations are considered mainly as a factor of technological development, in case of a post-industrial society innovations should be considered in a broader perspective. Innovative technologies in all their diversity are being introduced not only in the technological sphere, but also in education, in the service industry, housing and communal services, life support sphere, etc. The problem of shifting regions and separate territories to innovative development approaches is one of the key issues in forming an economy based on knowledge. “Nuclear” cities, where development of nuclear technologies is implemented both for defense and civilian purposes (nuclear power plants, nuclear fuel production, etc.), can be ideally used as territories of advanced social and economic development (TASED) primarily thanks to human potential of these cities. The article analyzes recent humanitarian and technological changes, called the “humanitarian technological revolution” (HTR), and their impact on the speed and effectiveness of innovative changes in this area.


2014 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 23
Author(s):  
Tawanda Zinyama ◽  
Joseph Tinarwo

Public administration is carried out through the public service. Public administration is an instrument of the State which is expected to implement the policy decisions made from the political and legislative processes. The rationale of this article is to assess the working relationships between ministers and permanent secretaries in the Government of National Unity in Zimbabwe. The success of the Minister depends to a large degree on the ability and goodwill of a permanent secretary who often has a very different personal or professional background and whom the minster did not appoint. Here lies the vitality of the permanent secretary institution. If a Minister decides to ignore the advice of the permanent secretary, he/she may risk of making serious errors. The permanent secretary is the key link between the democratic process and the public service. This article observed that the mere fact that the permanent secretary carries out the political, economic and social interests and functions of the state from which he/she derives his/her authority and power; and to which he/she is accountable,  no permanent secretary is apolitical and neutral to the ideological predisposition of the elected Ministers. The interaction between the two is a political process. Contemporary administrator requires complex team-work and the synthesis of diverse contributions and view-points.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2018 (11-12) ◽  
pp. 136-147
Author(s):  
Ihor BYSTRIAKOV ◽  

For Ukraine’s conditions, it is important to find new forms of organization of economic activity, which will ensure the overcoming of “catching-up” of the world economy. It is advisable to solve the problem in terms of determining the features of the national space for sustainable development. At the same time, objectively, there is a need to adapt the definition of “space” as such to the practice of environmental and economic development management. From a methodological standpoint, the issue is to use the post-industrial approaches to define economic processes with a focus on the category of “interest”. Since economic space of the post-industrial type is formed by the flows of “interests” of business entities, which circulate and determine its structure, attention is focused on domination of energy and information in communicative processes. From the standpoint of the functioning of a proper communicative field, the effect of economic activity is provided by reducing the parameters of transaction duration and then reducing the costs to a corresponding acceptable level. Evolution of the communication system indicates a change in the nature of interaction of business entities with environment. The main issues are the ecological and economic encodings of the life space, which gradually transform into everyday reality and form the corresponding cognitive frames. Therefore, an important point is the search for modern forms of economic self-sufficiency of functioning of ecological systems at the level of requirements for their safe existence at the expense of rational use of natural resources assets. The author emphasizes the expediency of focusing on decentralized forms of managing the process of ensuring the ecological and economic development of territories, taking into account the relevant competences of local economic systems within the definition of their communication fields. Aforementioned approach can be fully solved in the framework of the so-called platform economy. As a phenomenon of macroeconomic level, the platform economy provides guidance on changing the mechanism of cost formation at the grassroots level. The ecological and economic concept of sustainable development fits into general trends associated with transformation of the markets towards expansion of network interactions, since business as well starts to develop according to the similar to natural ecosystem laws.


2013 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-16
Author(s):  
Zhang Yanbing ◽  
Zeng Zhimin

Abstract This paper argues that the Wukan Incident reflects the common difficulties faced at the state-society level by contemporary China as the country finds itself experiencing both an important strategic chapter in its development, and a period during which social problems are coming to the fore. As such, the task of developing an understanding of the Wukan Incident offers the chance to draw crucial lessons about China’s future political and economic development. Firstly, the modernization development model, according to which economic growth and development take precedence above all else, has already led to a building up of serious social problems. China’s future development efforts must draw on and put into practice the theories of the Scientific Outlook on Development. Secondly, the demands made by the villagers of Wukan could feasibly become political and economic problems common throughout the whole country. This includes issues such as how state-owned assets and land are dealt with; transparency of public finances; and safeguards for the democratic rights and interests of Chinese citizens. The government must face these difficulties and use reforms to tackle each of them. Should it fail to do so, these issues could spark a serious social crisis or even affect the stability of the political order. Thirdly, the current mechanisms by which the Party and the government respond to the public’s interest-related claims require urgent improvement. Finally, there is no magic pill to solve the political and economic problems faced in China today. Elections are certainly not a magic solution.


2019 ◽  
Vol 59 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-45
Author(s):  
Francesco Gambino

Abstract The paper aims to explore the phenomenon of the spread in democracy of new powers – produced by inexhaustible technological developments – from the perspective of the philosophy of Institutions. It traces the original idea of democracy, in which the «government of the people» arises from the conversion of natural liberty into social and political liberty, dwells on the political and juridical meaning of authority, analyses the traditional instruments used to condition human opinions and behaviours, and reconstructs – in light of this itinerary – the functioning and new grammar of the digital order. What opens before us is a fluid and disorganized scenario, dominated by digital systems, algorithms and artificial intelligence, that draws the attention of philosophers and sociologists, jurists and scholars of language and of anthropology. The old single order, outlined by the political and juridical machine of the modern State – which, through an aloof and solemn language, aimed to impart regularity to human behaviour and to give society direction – is replaced by multifarious models of order, each of which is generated by its own logic, practices, and autonomous control techniques. Under the omnipotence of technology, concepts such as authority, liberty, truth and power undergo a vortex of semantic transformations that penetrate a new symbolic space into human reasoning and actions.


Author(s):  
Liudmylа NIEMETS ◽  
Olha SUPTELO ◽  
Maryna LOHVYNOVA ◽  
Kateryna SEHIDA

Kharkiv is a modern city in the transition to post-industrial development, with significant migratory attractiveness, high level of urbanization, binational and bilingual population, implementation of a number of socio-economic development projects. Today, the city is not only the localization of many opportunities for the development of society and man, but also an area of increased conflictogenity. The purpose of the study is to identify the main urban conflicts during the post-industrial transition, which arise as a reaction to urban transformations and the action of external national processes and the establishment of the main stakeholders of urban changes and conflicts. The study found that the manifestations and degree of conflictogenity in the city depends on its place in the global urban gradation, and therefore, Kharkiv has a high level of conflictogenity, which is confirmed by the frequency of urban conflicts. The study identified factors of high conflictogenity in Kharkiv, which are due to its historical, cultural and socio-economic development. The following conflicts arise in the city: migration, which are caused by pendulum migrations of the population from peripheral areas to the city, forced migrations from the temporarily occupied territories of Ukraine; ethno-national, due to the competition of the Ukrainian-Russian population, conflicts with national minorities living in the city; urban and property conflicts, which arise mainly between representatives of local authorities, stakeholders and the local population. Urban conflicts affect urban processes, change the urban landscape and reduce the city’s attractiveness. We emphasize the need for further comprehensive socio-geographical studies of urban processes in cities, in particular the emergence of conflicts, identifying factors of conflict, the impact of urban conflicts on the socio-geographical landscape and developing models to find effective solutions to conflicts in the city.


Author(s):  
Antonio Acosta

The formation of El Salvador’s oligarchy was a long and complex process. Its beginning can be traced to 1848, when the first export of Salvadoran coffee took place. The first stage in its formation may be seen as ending in 1931, just before the army’s great “slaughter” of the rural population after the crisis of 1929. This long period is divided into two parts, with the year 1890 marking a change. Before that date, although El Salvador was beginning to feel the effects of the Industrial Revolution and the reorganization of the world markets, the country’s international politics were focused primarily on Central America. However, from 1890 on, the business sector expanded and penetrated deeply into the country based on the capital accumulated from the coffee industry. To that was added certain foreign participation, especially from the United States. This is why the period of 1848–1890 is considered the origin of the oligarchy, and 1890–1931 is seen as the formation of this social sector that has marked the history of the country up to the 21st century. A plausible definition of the term oligarchy is provided by Waldo Ansaldi: the combination of a social class defined by its function in the economic structure and the particular form of government it developed and practiced. The Salvadoran oligarchy was initially made up of the large landowners and traders whose economic power was based on their access to land and labor, acquired to a large degree at a very low price and often through non-commercial relationships. This minority experienced a transition toward a profile with increasingly capitalistic characteristics—that is, a more complex managing class with more and more wage labor, although in poor working conditions. In spite of this, it retained purely oligarchic features in the way it controlled political power and in its use of abundant, though not always wage-earning, labor, so that it can hardly be considered bourgeoisie. Coffee, including its cultivation, processing and export, was the principal (although not the only) basis of the enrichment of the oligarchy and of their political power. The development and consolidation of the oligarchical class was based on their control of the state and, as a result, also of their monetary, credit, and above all, fiscal policies. Representatives of the oligarchy came to control the government through electoral as well as military means, enabling them to reproduce and expand their power.


2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-35 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fabian Linde

Abstract The essay examines Vladimir Putin’s civilisational discourse, which arose in earnest with the publication of his presidential campaign articles in 2012. It argues that what makes Putin’s rendering of Russia’s civilisational identity distinctive is its strongly emphasized Statism, understood as a belief in the primacy of the state. This suggests that while his endorsement of a distinct civilisational identity represents an important conceptual turn as regards how national identity is articulated, there are also significant lines of continuity with previous presidential periods, given that state primacy has been at the heart of Putin’s political agenda since the very beginning of his presidential career. This detail also reveals a great deal about the political rationale behind Putin’s commitment to a Russian civilisational identity. It provides the government with a theoretical justification of an illiberal political course. There are important implications for foreign policy-making as well. In relation to the West, there is an attempt to limit its normative reach by depicting liberal values as less than universal. In regional affairs, Russia is attempting to legitimate its involvement in the near abroad on civilisational grounds. The loose definition of ‘co-patriots’ as foreign nationals experiencing some affinity with Russia gives it plenty of leeway in this regard. Lastly, Russia has petitioned for Ukraine’s neutrality based on the argument that the country is straddling a civilisational fault line.


Author(s):  
Ke Liu ◽  
Yurong Qiao ◽  
Qian Zhou

With increasingly severe constraints on resources and the environment, it is the mainstream trend of economic development to reduce industrial pollution emissions and promote green industrial development. In this paper, a super-efficiency slacks-based measure (SBM) model is adopted to measure the industrial green development efficiency (IGDE) of 289 cities in China from 2008 to 2018. Moreover, we analyze their spatiotemporal differentiation pattern. On this basis, the multiscale geographical weighted regression (MGWR) model is used to analyze the scale differences and spatial differences of the driving factors. The results show that the IGDE is still at a low level in China. From 2008 to 2018, the overall polarization of IGDE was relatively serious. The number of high- and low-efficiency cities increased, while that of medium-efficiency cities greatly decreased. Secondly, the IGDE presented an obvious spatial positive correlation. MGWR regression results show that the technological innovation, government regulation, and consumption level belonged to the global scale, and there was almost no spatial heterogeneity. Other driving factors were urbanization, industrial structure, economic development, and population density according to their spatial scale. Lastly, the influence of economic development and technological innovation had a certain circular structure in space; the influence of population size mainly occurred in the cities of the southeast coast and northeast provinces; the influence of urbanization was more obvious in the most northern provinces of the Yangtze River, while that of industrial structure was mainly concentrated in the most southern cities of the Yangtze River Economic Belt (YREB). Spatially, the influence of consumption was manifested as a distribution trend of decreasing from north to south, and the government regulation was manifested as increasing from west to east and then to northeast.


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