Learning for Democratic Citizenship

Author(s):  
Niels Nørgård Kristensen

This chapter investigates students' political learning by unfolding the dynamic patterns of political learning that can be explored among Scandinavian students. To serve this purpose, the following research question is forwarded: What dynamic patterns of political learning can be uncovered among various upper secondary students in relation to participation in political institutions? By the incorporation of theories of learning in the analytical approach, it is shown how students display a complex pattern of political attentiveness. School-based civics education programs to some extent seem to have failed to equip young people with the tools, knowledge, and experience needed for participation in political institutions. Research in this area has traditionally been interested in either the political awareness of youth or the sources of influence on the youth. However, there has not been a lot of interest in the various offsprings initiating the political engagement and political development. Summing up, some recommendations for citizenship education are forwarded.

2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-38
Author(s):  
Wolde Mikhael Kassaye Nigusie ◽  
Natalia Viktorovna Ivkina

The article is devoted to the features of the formation and development of Africa in the postcolonial period. The authors study such fundamental issues as the formation of modern States in Africa, the formation of the ruling elite and its influence on the political and socio-economic system, the role of the army and ethnic conflicts in the process of state formation. The relevance of the research is due to the fact that Russian and foreign historical science has not yet formed a common opinion on how to assess the consequences of the colonial period for Africa. Pluralism of opinions, on the one hand, generates the discussion for research, on the other, introduces a destructive imbalance in the representation of the region. As a novelty of the study, it’s necessary to note the neo-patrimonial approach to studying the features of the postcolonial period in Africa. It identifies separate thematic blocks that help assess the impact of colonization on the development of countries on the continent. The article also considers the correlation between the traditional and westernized elements within African political culture. The borrowing of political institutions and statehood theories is also considered not only as a consequence of the colonial past, but also as the political choice of the first national leaders of Africa, in the framework of their aspiration to choose an effective development way and to find a balance between the tradition and modernization. The main purpose of the study is to assess the results of decolonization in the context of ethnic, military and political aspects of the formation of African States. The polemic nature of the principles of understanding the postcolonial period of African development has led to the need to use a functional approach as a methodological basis. This is due to the need to study the principles of functioning of the political system of the region, rather than individual states. The neo-patrimonialist approach also gave rise to the use of a comparative method to compare the main theoretical postulates with the real situation in Africa. A vast array of sources and literature in Russian and English is needed to reflect the multi-vector possibilities of research on African issues.


2014 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 79
Author(s):  
Fariha Khalid Khan ◽  
Razia Musarrat

Elections make a fundamental contribution to democratic governance. In democracies political decisions are made directly by the citizens of the country. Elections serve as forum for the discussion of public issues and facilitate the expression of public opinion. Electoral politics is a figurative form of political participation. Success and failure of political institutions depends upon the political awareness of people and the process of electoral politics is the subject of free, fair and transparent elections. Like her counterparts Pakistan has election process defined by constitution. The electoral process in Pakistan was not regular and transparent but last three elections 2002, 2008 and 2013 were held according to the constitution.  In Pakistan elections and political process are dominated by the political personalities. Although there are multiparty system but people mostly preferred two main parties like PPP and PML-N but it is positive that third party PTI was emerged in country as third largest party of Pakistan. The study focuses on the 2013 elections and behavior of people of district Muzaffar Garh of Punjab. The purpose of this study is to observe the electoral politics at micro level in Pakistan.


2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 175
Author(s):  
Adebukola Foluke Osunyikanmi

<p><em>Powerlessness of women, gender inequality and discrimination against women are concepts that often dominate political discourse. These perspectives on relations between men and women critically trivialize the unique role of women in the socio-economic and political development of Africa.</em></p><p><em>The traditional market, a physical location where traders display and sell their wares, has always been under the dominance of women. Historically, legal and political structures were institutionalized in such markets with a view to protecting the interest of all trading members who were mainly women. In contemporary dispensation, they still use those structures to settle disputes among themselves and [also negotiate for amenities from their governments. </em></p><p><em>This paper, using primary and secondary data, examines the efficacy of the traditional legal, social and political institutions provided by the market; the extent to which the institutions have facilitated the inclusion of women in the political space; and measures that will help strengthen their effectiveness.</em></p>


2016 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-27
Author(s):  
Sri Warjiyati

Abstract: This article discusses political participation of women from the perspective of Islamic law.  In paricular, it will highlights a women political organization called KPPI (Kaukus Politik Perempuan Indonesia or Indonesian political women caucus).  There are obstacles and challenges for improving women political participation due to personal, internal and external issues. For personal issues, the political awareness for women is relatively low which needs improvement. For internal perspective, not all available political parties gives space and opportunity for women political development, whereas externally, the improvement of women political participation is so limited that they do not participate in politics and do politics correctly. Islam provides equal opportunity for men and women in politics. This can be seen in many sex-neutral injunctions in the Holy Qur’an which commands amar ma’ruf nahi munkar (promote the good and prevent the evil).  This command encompasses all aspects of life, including politics and state issues. Women are also responsible in this respect. Based on that, Islam provide ground for women to actively in politics. Keywords: women political participation, Islamic Law   Abstrak: Artikel ini membahas tentang partisipasi politik perempuan perspektif hukum Islam. Partisipasi politik perempuan di Indonesia tergabung pada Kaukus Politik Perempuan Indonesia (KPPI). Terdapat berbagai hambatan dan tantangan dalam upaya peningkatan partisipasi politik perempuan, baik secara personal, internal maupun eksternal. Secara personal, kesadaran berpolitik bagi perempuan relatif masih rendah, sehingga perlu ditingkatkan. Dari sisi internal, belum semua partai memberikan ruang dan kesempatan bagi pengembangan politik perempuan, sedangkan secara eksternal, peningkatan partisipasi politik perempuan masih mengalami banyak keterbatasan, sehingga perempuan masih relatif rendah untuk masuk dalam politik dan berpolitik secara benar. Islam memberikan kesempatan kepada kaum perempuan yang berkecimpung dalam kegiatan politik, ini bisa terlihat pada banyak ayat dalam al-Qur’an yang memerintahkan amar ma’ruf nahi munkar. Ini berlaku untuk segala macam kegiatan, tidak terkecuali dalam bidang politik dan kenegaraan. Perempuan juga turut bertanggungjawab dalam hal ini. Berdasarkan hal tersebut, maka perempuan dalam Islam juga memiliki hak untuk berpartisipasi dalam politik. Kata Kunci: partisipasi, politik, perempuan, hukum Islam.


2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 224-231
Author(s):  
V.A. Smolyakov ◽  

This article considers the importance of “Asian values" and Confucianism for the political development of East Asian states. The author concludes that the cultural factor should be considered in connection with other factors - the level of economic and social development, the maturity of political institutions, and the efficiency of state governance. The processes of democratization in the region will develop slowly and wavily. The ways of transit to democracy in different countries will depend on local peculiarities


Author(s):  
Alina Todoriko

The article defines the features of the formation of political trust in Ukraine at the macrolevel of political relations. It is established that the formation of political trust at the macrolevel of political relations in Ukraine is reflected in the attitude of citizens toward democracy as a new format of the political system, the main mechanisms of its formation and the functioning of political institutions that ensure the process of transformation and dynamic renewal of the political system. It is substantiated that the essential aspect that characterizes the political trust of the macrolevel in modern Ukrainian society is the weakness of the connections of a significant number of citizens with political parties as a traditional institution of aggregation of interests and is reflected in the limited understanding of the essence of the multi-party system and its need for political development of Ukraine. It is proved that the existing indicators of confidence in the institutions of power in Ukraine, actualize the question of its optimal boundaries. As practice shows, both the lack of trust and the surplus of trust are barriers to strengthening the democratic foundations of the political system and political process. A significant deficit of confidence limits the power and reduces the activity of citizens, hinders the development of integration processes in society, inhibits the adoption and implementation of constructive reforms. Excessive trust in institutions of power and political institutions, creating uncontrolled and permissive behavior, can not lead to anything else, as to the arbitrariness of power, which is the first step towards the restoration or strengthening of authoritarianism. Therefore, in order for political confidence to contribute to the development of democratic processes, its level should not approach either the lowest or the highest possible values. Keywords: Political trust, macro level of politics, Ukraine, political institutions, democracy, democratization


2020 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 44-70
Author(s):  
Debra Thompson

This article explores the erratic history of counting by race on the Canadian census. It argues that the political development of racial classifications on Canadian censuses has been shaped by the interactions among evolving global ideas about race, the programmatic beliefs of international epistemic communities of statisticians and census designers, and domestic institutions involved in the administration of the census. First, Canadian census designers drew from shifting global conceptions about the nature of race and racial difference, which normatively defined the legitimate ends of race policies. Second, Canadian census designers often paid heed to the programmatic beliefs of the international statistical community about the appropriateness of collecting racial data. Finally, evolving political institutions involved in the administration of the census mediated these transnational ideas, molding them to fit the Canadian national context through institutional and cultural translative processes. Theoretically, this research makes the case that focusing on interactive political development can augment the theoretical toolbox of American political development, enabling a more comprehensive picture of the emergence, dynamism, and persistence of the Canadian racial order.


2005 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-43
Author(s):  
Anne-Dorte Christensen

Ann-Dorte Christensen: Political Identities in Late Modernity: young women’s stories about politics and identity The first part of this article examines various approaches to political identities that have been inspired by sociological discussions of identity construction as well as by discussions within political sociology about new forms of politics and power in late modernity. In the second part of the article, political identities among young women are analyzed. The results indicate that the processes of individualization and the constructions of life politics have a variety of meanings and different implications for the women. This means that it is crucial to construct more sensitive theories about gender and political identities in contemporary societies. These new theories must take into account political learning in individual life courses as well as feelings of belonging and participation in multiple political communities in relation to both political institutions and organizations in civil society. The final section of the article discusses the contents of the political identities attempting to renew the theoretical understanding of political identities in late modernity and the potential for renewal of politics and political institutions in a gender perspective.


Author(s):  
Andrey Andreev

The article deals with the intermediate results of the use of a set of Russian political strategies and technologies in the Ukrainian direction of Foreign Policy since Ukraine gained independence. The research takes into account the peculiarities of the political development of Ukraine. The research objective was to identify the prerequisites, characteristics, and consequences of the Ukrainian political crisis at the turn of 2013–2014 and the resulting political regime and order. A systematic approach and comparative analysis made it possible to formulate a general assessment of the political situation in Ukraine following the so-called "the Revolution of Dignity". On the basis of formal-logical analysis, the author substantiated the need for a comprehensive audit of the amount of Russian technologies through the application of system analysis to certain political circumstances. The author substantiated the increasing role of political technologies of pro-active character in the situation of deep crisis of previously effective political institutions, mechanisms, and norms. The resonant nature of such technologies made it possible to link the latter with the political reflection on the place and role of Ukraine in the system of Russian Foreign Policy, as well as on the peculiarities of the Ukrainian political process and the nature of its political system. The author generalized the experience of Russian influence on the mentioned Ukrainian events and defined the general conditions that can allow Russia to affect a changeable political situation in the post-Soviet countries, taking into account the inconsistency of modern political trends. The scope of the results can be used in the spheres of foreign policy, public administration, and public policy.


2003 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 81-104 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rodolfo O. de la Garza ◽  
Muserref Yetim

This paper argues that Mexican American views of democracy differ significantly from those of Mexicans because of their exposure to the political institutions and culture of the United States. Our results vindicate Diamond's claim that there is no better way of developing the values, skills, and commitments of democratic citizenship than through direct experience with democracy (Diamond 1999). Equally significant is that the study demonstrates that ethnic ties do not determine political attitudes. That is, despite a shared historical background and contemporary cultural commonalities, Mexican views of democracy differ from those of Mexican Americans. Este artíículo arguye que las visiones de la democracia de los mexicano-americanos difieren significativamente de las de los mexicanos debido a su exposicióón a las instituciones de políítica y cultura de los Estados Unidos. Nuestros resultados justifican la idea de Diamond de que no hay mejor manera de desarrollar los valores, habilidades y el compromiso con una ciudadaníía democráática qua a travéés de la experiencia directa con la democracia (Diamond 1999). De igual importancia, el estudio demuestra que los lazos éétnicos no determinan las actitudes polííticas. Esto es, a pesar de compartir un trasfondo históórico y de las concordancias culturales contemporááneas, las visiones de la democracia de los mexicanos difieren de las de los mexicano-americanos.


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