II. Informing for Profit: A Sidelight on Tudor Methods of Law-enforcement

1954 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 149-167 ◽  
Author(s):  
G. R. Elton

That the making of a law and the enforcement of it are two different things is a commonplace which is nowhere more clearly exemplified than in the history of economic legislation. As a recent essay on ‘The Smugglers' Trade’ has shown, the point applied with special force to the sixteenth century when the government attempted on an unprecedented scale to control the economic life of the country, and especially the export and import of goods. The problem was twofold. In the first place the administration of the customs limped badly behind the rest of the financial administration. It was not until 1536 that nationally uniform rates were imposed, and at no time could the central government be sure of exercising effective control over the local customers and searchers and their deputies. While the royal lands were put under a modernized administration in the hands of such courts as those of General Surveyors and Augmentations, nothing was done either by Henry VII or by Thomas Cromwell to go to the root of the customs question. Cromwell, indeed, produced a comprehensive code with a preamble which showed that at least he knew what the trouble was; but somewhat in contrast to his usual practice, he did not approach the administrative problem at all. The customs were left in the exchequer from whose palsied hands the royal lands had been removed; consequently, when in an age of rising prices the value of the customs revenue began to outpace that of fixed land rents, the government of Elizabeth could do no better than farm a revenue which their own machinery was incapable of handling efficiently. Until the reign of Charles II, the English customs administration was never thoroughly reformed, and governments fell back either on the inefficient exchequer or on the dubious expedient of farming.

2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (10) ◽  
pp. 381
Author(s):  
Uma Purushothaman ◽  
John S. Moolakkattu

India responded to the COVID-19 measures abruptly and in a tough manner during the early stages of the pandemic. Its response did not take into consideration the socio-economic life of the majority of people in India who work in the informal sector and the sheer diversity of the country. The imposition of a nationwide lockdown using the Disaster Management Act 2005 enabled the Union Government to impose its will on the whole country. India has a federal system, and health is a state subject. Such an overbearing role on the part of the Central Government did not, however, lead to coordinated action. Some states expressed their differences, but eventually all complied with the central guidelines. The COVID-19 pandemic struck at a time when an agitation was going on in the country, especially in New Delhi, against the Citizen Amendment Act. The lockdown was imposed all of a sudden and was extended until May 31. This led to a humanitarian crisis involving a large number of domestic migrant workers, who were left stranded with no income for survival and no means of transport to go home. Indians abroad who were intending to return also found themselves trapped. Dissenting voices were silenced through arrests and detentions during this period, and the victims included rights activists, students, lawyers, and even some academics. Power tussles and elections continued as usual and the social distancing norms were often compromised. Since COVID-19 containment measures were carried out primarily at the state level, this paper will also selectively draw on their experiences. India also used the opportunity to burnish its credentials as the ‘pharmacy of the world’ by sending medical supplies to over a hundred countries. In the second wave, there were many deaths, but the government was accused of undercounting them and of not doing enough to deliver vaccines to Indians. This paper will deal with the conflicts, contestations and the foreign policy fallout following the onset of the pandemic and the measures adopted by the union government to cope with them, with less focus on the economic and epidemiological aspects of pandemic management. This paper looks at previous studies, press reports, and press releases by government agencies to collect the needed data. A descriptive and analytical approach is followed in the paper.


Author(s):  
V. V. Mikhailov

The article examines the little-studied question of the relationship between the young Turk and young Kurd movements in the crucial years for the Ottoman Empire preceding the revolution of 1908. The formation of the Kurdish identity and the beginning of the cultural and political movement in the late XIX century. it was received ambiguously in the Ottoman Empire. Thus, unlike the Armenian political movement, the leaders of Turkey’s Kurds expressed the full commitment of the Central government and the Empire reforms, whose purpose in part was to involve the Kurdish population in a more active participation in economic life. It is significant that after the victory of the young Turk revolution of 1908, there was a split in Kurdish society and among its leaders in relation to the new government and its slogans. The Kurdish movement showed great conservatism and adherence to traditional Islamic values, while the pan-Turkist Pro-European ideology of the young Turk political elite was not accepted by the main Kurdish mass. Nevertheless, during the First world war, the Kurds of the Ottoman Empire remained loyal to the government, actively waging an armed struggle against the enemies of the Empire.


明代研究 ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 37 (37) ◽  
pp. 115-166
Author(s):  
彭皓 彭皓

<p>以往的明代財政史研究,大都選擇以財政收入一側的嬗遞為考察對象而不離乎制度研究的範式與國家本位的視角。本文以財政支出為切入點討論晚明軍士收入的構成與水準,進而以自下而上的進路,探討明代國家財政之基本精神。本文將晚明軍士收入劃分為常規性收入與臨時性收入,前者包括月糧、布花、馬料,後者則涉及行糧、安家銀。對於衛所軍士而言,晚明財政體制的白銀化未對其生計產生實質影響,其收入仍不過與洪武時期的標準大體相持,僅能勉強維生。相形之下,並不歸屬於衛所軍戶制之中的募兵所得餉銀明顯更高。兩者的分野與明代財政奉行的「原額主義」密切相關:國家以戶籍制束縛軍戶,設計微薄的糧餉標準,以此適應同樣偏低的財政收入。此一機制雖因晚明戰爭不斷而崩解,卻為清朝繼承乃至進一步鞏固。</p> <p>&nbsp;</p><p>Earlier studies on Ming dynasty finance have mainly focused on changes in revenue, following an institutional and state-oriented paradigm. This essay instead examines military pay, the largest expenditure of the late Ming central government, thus offering a perspective from the bottom up. This essay distinguishes late Ming military pay into regular and temporary categories. The former included monthly grain allowances, clothing, and horse fodder, while the latter included travel rations and relocation funds. For the military households, the commutation of the financial system into silver did not have a substantial impact on their livelihood. Their income had remained largely the same since the founding of the dynasty, and they could barely make ends meet. By contrast, the recruits, who were not registered with military households, received payment and rations that were significantly higher. The discrepancy between the two was closely linked to the &ldquo;quota system&rdquo; practiced in Ming financial administration. When the government established households fixed in the military category, meager rations were standardized, commensurate with the low revenue of the financial administration. Although this mechanism collapsed amidst the continuous wars of the late Ming, it was adopted and further consolidated in the Qing dynasty.</p> <p>&nbsp;</p>


2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 60-71 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alfredo Fort

Though difficult to ascertain because faith based organizations (FBOs) might keep a low profile, be confused with other non-governmental organizations (NGOs), or survey respondents may not know the nature of facilities attended to, these organizations have a long presence in teaching health personnel and delivering health services in many rural and remote populations in the developing world. It is argued that their large networks, logistics agreements with governments, and mission-driven stance brings them closer to the communities they serve, and their services believed of higher quality than average. Kenya has a long history of established FBOs substantial recent health investment by the government. We aimed to find the quantitative and qualitative contributions of FBOs by analyzing two recent data sources: the live web-based nationwide Master Health Facility List, and the 2010 nationwide Service Provision Assessment (SPA) survey. Using this information, we found that FBOs contribute to 11% of all health facilities’ presence in the country, doubling to 23% of all available beds, indicating their relative strength in owning mid-level hospitals around the country. We also constructed an index of readiness as a weighted average from services offered, good management practices and availability of medicines and commodities for 17 items assessed during the SPA survey. We found that FBOs topped the list of managing authorities, with 70 percent of health facility readiness, followed closely by the government at 69 percent, NGOs at 61 percent and lastly a distant private for profit sector at 50 percent. These results seem to indicate that FBOs continue to contribute to an important proportion of health care coverage in Kenya, and that they do so with a relatively high quality of care among all actors. It would be of interest to replicate the analysis with similar databases for other countries in the developing world.


2019 ◽  
Vol 118 (10) ◽  
pp. 244-251
Author(s):  
Dr. V. Sangeetha ◽  
S.Selva Kumari ◽  
M. Deena ◽  
K. Chandra

In modern days entrepreneurship are increased and they were faced a lot of issues and challenges. Entrepreneur is one who has creative and innovative ideas for a business. The entrepreneurship reduces the unemployment. The Government was encouraged the Entrepreneurs and give award for them. Main objective for these awards is to recognize the business and business man and improve the marketability introduced new products for a market. The Central Government issues award for entrepreneurs who have a age of 40 years and they must be first generation entrepreneurs. They were holding a 51% of equity and ownership of business and then women must individually own 75% or more of the enterprise.


1973 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 433-437
Author(s):  
Sarfaraz Khan Qureshi

In the Summer 1973 issue of the Pakistan Development Review, Mr. Mohammad Ghaffar Chaudhry [1] has dealt with two very important issues relating to the intersectoral tax equity and the intrasectoral tax equity within the agricultural sector in Pakistan. Using a simple criterion for vertical tax equity that implies that the tax rate rises with per capita income such that the ratio of revenue to income rises at the same percentage rate as per capita income, Mr. Chaudhry found that the agricultural sector is overtaxed in Pakistan. Mr. Chaudhry further found that the land tax is a regressive levy with respect to the farm size. Both findings, if valid, have important policy implications. In this note we argue that the validity of the findings on intersectoral tax equity depends on the treatment of water rate as tax rather than the price of a service provided by the Government and on the shifting assumptions regard¬ing the indirect taxes on imports and domestic production levied by the Central Government. The relevance of the findings on the intrasectoral tax burden would have been more obvious if the tax liability was related to income from land per capita.


AKADEMIKA ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-77
Author(s):  
Misbahul Khoir

In order for humans could reach the so-called falah (goodness), human behavior needs to be colored with the spirit and norms of Islamic economics reflected in its values. The principles and values of Islamic economics are considerably two inseparable things. The implementation of economic principles without being colored with values or values without being based on principles could keep people far away from their purpose, namely falah. The implementation of values not based on principles will tend to bring with it the normative economics, which would cause it trapped into injustice. While the implementation of values on the Islamic economic development is based on the five universal values, namely akidah (belief), 'adl (justice), nubuwwah (prophetic), khilafah (the government), and ma'ad (results). The five principles are used as the basis for building theories of Islamic economics. But strong and adequate theories not applied into a system will make the Islamic economics just as the study of science without giving positive impact on the economic life. Therefore, based on the five universal values, the three derivative principles should be built into the characteristics and the forerunner of the Islamic economic system. The Islamic economic system makes sure that there are no economic transactions that are contrary to the Shari'a. But business performance depends on the man behind the gun. For that reason, the economic actors within this framework could be held by non-Muslims. The Islamic economics could only be developed if the mindset and behavior of Muslims are already itqan (diligent) and ihsan (professional). It "may be" one of the secrets of the Prophet's statement, saying "Truly I was sent to perfect good character". Because good character could be an indicator of knowing good or bad behavior in determining both the success and the failure of business itself.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-66
Author(s):  
Coni Wanprala ◽  
Isnaini Muallidin ◽  
Dewi Sekar Kencono

At present the development of technology and information has reached a very rapid level. Technology and information are used as a service media in the government environment which is also known as e-Government, one of which is the service of public information disclosure. The central government through Law No. 14 of 2008 concerning Openness of Public Information, encourages all Public Agencies including the Sleman Regency Government to make transparency in the administration of the state by utilizing information technology. This research is a qualitative descriptive study which aims to describe the reality that occurs. The object of research in this study is the official website of the Information and Documentation Management Officer (PPID) of Sleman Regency with the domain https://ppid.slemankab.go.id then the Sleman Regency Communication and Informatics Office as the organizer of the public information disclosure program. The data collection technique itself is carried out by means of interviews, documentation studies, and field observations (observations). After collecting and presenting data, then the data will be reduced first then analyzed and concluded. From the results of the study, in general the researchers concluded that the Sleman Regency PPID website had reached the level of qualification to become a quality website, however there were still some improvements and evaluations that had to be done by the relevant agencies in order to be better, namely (i) the website was still being assessed as a one-way service (ii) There are still many OPDs that are not ready to implement PPID (iii) data and information are still not updated (iv) lack of responsiveness of services in requests for information.


Author(s):  
Mohammad Airaj Firdaws Sadiq ◽  
Najib Rahman Sabory ◽  
Mir Sayed Shah Danish ◽  
Tomonobu Senjyu

Afghanistan hosts the Hindu Kush, an extension of the Himalaya mountains that act as water sources for five major rivers flowing through Afghanistan. Most of these rivers provide promise for the construction of water dams and installment of micro hydropower plants (MHP). Although civil war and political strife continue to threaten the country for more than four decades, the Afghan government introduced strategic plans for the development of the country. In 2016 Afghanistan introduced the Afghanistan National Peace and Development (ANPD) Framework at Brussels de-signed to support Afghanistan’s progress towards achieving the SDGs (Sustainable Development Goals). This study discussed the 7th Goal (ensuring access to affordable, reliable, and sustainable energy for all) and 8th Goal (promoting sustained, inclusive and sustainable economic growth, full and productive employment and decent work for all) alignment in Afghanistan. The Afghan gov-ernment acknowledges its responsibility to provide electricity for all of its citizens, but this can only be achieved if the government can secure a reliable source of energy. Afghanistan’s mountainous terrain provides a challenge to build a central energy distribution system. Therefore this study looks for alternative solutions to the energy problems in Afghanistan and explores feasibility of micro-hydropower plant installations in remote areas. This study evaluated socio-economic im-pacts of micro-hydropower plants in the life of average residents. We focused on one example of a micro hydropower plant located in Parwan, conducted interviews with local residents, and gath-ered on-site data. The findings in this study can help policymakers to analyze the effects of devel-opment projects in the social and economic life of residents. It will encourage the government and hopefully the private sector to invest in decentralized energy options, while the country is facing an ever-growing energy demand.


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