The Princess and the Squaw

Author(s):  
John M. Coward

This chapter examines the representation of Indian women—also overlooked in most previous studies of the pictorial press—contrasting the romantic “Indian princess” stereotype with a harsher set of qualities often associated with Indian women in the pictorial press. Many Indian women in the pictorial press were placed in one of two culturally constructed categories: princesses or squaws. Either way, Indian women were marked as different from whites, a safe and controlled “cultural other.” Young, beautiful Indian women and mothers could be cast as “princesses,” while old, poor, and “uncivilized” Indian women were depicted as “squaws.” Both Frank Leslie's Illustrated Newspaper and Harper's Weekly employed these categories routinely, though there were differences between these papers. Harper's emphasized the poverty and hardship of Indian women, often suffering at the hands of Indian men, while Leslie's sometimes ridiculed Indian women for their silliness or grooming habits.

2011 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 199-205
Author(s):  
David Marianayagam ◽  
Ashima Vallathan

ABSTRACT Introduction Facial and radiographic records in orthodontics are based on the profile. Aim of this study is to establish norms from digital posteroanterior (PA) cephalograms for Indian adults. Materials and methods The subjects included 45 Indian men and 55 Indian women, mean age 25 to 30 years. Subjects had ideal occlusion and a well-balanced face. About 12 linear measurements were determined using digital radiograph. Results There was statistically significant difference between male and female samples. Comparison between the Indian men and women indicated larger measurements for men. Conclusion According to these results new PA clinical norms are presented to Indian orthodontists for diagnosis and planning. Abbreviations ANS—Anterior nasal spine, A3-B3—Upper and lower canine right side, 3A-3B—Upper and lower canine left side Me—Menton.


2021 ◽  
Vol 52 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nasima M.H. Carrim

Purpose: The purpose of this study was to gain an understanding of the challenges Indian women managers face in their career ascendancy.Design/methodology/approach: Using a qualitative approach, to gain an in-depth understanding of the intersectional issues and challenges younger and older Indian women managers face in their career progress towards senior- and top-managerial positions.Findings/results: The results indicate that the intersection of the socio-historical-political contexts, together with racial, gender, cultural and workplace impediments, produces both different and converging outcomes for older and younger Indian women managers in their upward career mobility. Compared with their older counterparts, the career ascendancy of younger participants is more challenging, as they have to compete against a bigger pool of qualified black candidates. A research limitation is that the study did not compare the experiences of Indian women with Indian men regarding their career ascendency.Practical implications: Practical implications include managers needing to implement targeted succession planning, eradicate sexism and patriarchy and introduce formal mentorship, coaching and networking programmes.Originality/value: The article compares the experiences of younger and older Indian women managers in a changing political landscape. The findings of the study indicate that the experiences of women across generations differ, as their career ascendancy is dissimilar.


1998 ◽  
Vol 79 (4) ◽  
pp. 333-341 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mario J. Soares ◽  
Leonard S. Piers ◽  
Kerin O'Dea ◽  
Prakash S. Shetty

A lower BMR of Indians, when compared with Westerners matched for age, sex, and either surface area or body weight, has often been reported in the literature and has been interpreted to reflect an ethnic influence on BMR. To determine the contribution of body composition to these observed differences in BMR, we analysed the data on ninety-six Indians and eighty-one Caucasian Australians of both sexes, aged 18–30 years, studied in Bangalore, India and Melbourne, Australia. Absolute BMR and BMR adjusted for body weight were significantly lower in Indians when compared with Australians of the corresponding sex. However, BMR adjusted for fat-free mass (FFM) in men, and BMR adjusted for FFM and fat mass (FM) in women, were not significantly different between the two groups. Stepwise regression of FFM, FM, sex (0 = women; 1 = men) and ethnicity (0 = Indian; 1 = Australian) on BMR, resulted in the following relationship for the combined data on all subjects: BMR=88.7 × FFM (kg) + 1713 (n 177; r 0.92; r2 0.85; see 425 kJ). The Indian equations of Hayter & Henry (1994), based on body weight, resulted in a significant bias (measured – predicted BMR) of 318 (SE 54) kJ/d in Indian men and -409 (SE 70) kJ/d in Indian women. The equation of Cunningham (1991), based on FFM, accurately predicted the BMR of Indian men, Indian women and Australian men. The small but significant bias of 185 (SE 61)kJ/d in Australian women, may be explained by the significant contribution of FM to BMR in this group. The present study does not provide any evidence for an ethnic influence on basal metabolism. The results strongly support the use of FFM, rather than body weight, for the prediction of BMR in population groups of varying body size and composition. This would allow an accurate estimation of BMR and hence energy requirements in population groups worldwide.


2016 ◽  
Vol 05 (03) ◽  
pp. 095-103 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vanita Noronha ◽  
Rakesh Pinninti ◽  
Vijay M. Patil ◽  
Amit Joshi ◽  
Kumar Prabhash

AbstractSmoking tobacco, both cigarettes and beedis, is the principal risk factor for causation of lung cancer in Indian men; however, among Indian women, the association with smoking is not strong, suggesting that there could be other risk factors besides smoking. Despite numerous advances in recent years in terms of diagnostic methods, molecular changes, and therapeutic interventions, the outcomes of the lung cancer patients remain poor; hence, a better understanding of the risk factors may impact the preventive measures to be implemented at the community level. There is a lack of comprehensive data on lung cancer in India. In this review, we attempt to collate the available data on lung cancer from India.


1984 ◽  
Vol 145 (4) ◽  
pp. 433-438 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ruth H. Haynes

SummaryA survey of police and medical records in a province of Fiji indicated high rates of suicide for Indian women under 30 and for Indian men over that age, especially amongst families engaged in sugar-cane farming. Indian suicide rates were high during the Indenture period (1879–1920), and are still higher amongst Indians than amongst native Fijians: almost 90% of all suicides are Indian, though this group comprises only 50% of Fiji's total population. Age/sex/ethnic distribution, methods, and precipitating factors of recorded suicides were examined for one province of Vanua Levu during the period 1979–82. The increasing use of toxic herbicides, especially paraquat, as a vehicle for suicide is discussed.


2020 ◽  
Vol 105 (8) ◽  
pp. 2507-2514
Author(s):  
Chiara Panato ◽  
Salvatore Vaccarella ◽  
Luigino Dal Maso ◽  
Partha Basu ◽  
Silvia Franceschi ◽  
...  

Abstract Context/Objective Increases of thyroid cancer (TC) incidence emerged in the past several decades in several countries. This study aimed to estimate time trends of TC incidence in India and the proportion of TC cases potentially attributable to overdiagnosis by sex, age, and area. Design TC cases aged 0 to 74 years reported to Indian cancer registries during 2006 through 2014 were included. Age-standardized incidence rates (ASR) and TC overdiagnosis were estimated by sex, period, age, and area. Results Between 2006-2008 and 2012-2014, the ASRs for TC in India increased from 2.5 to 3.5/100,000 women (+37%) and from 1.0 to 1.3/100,000 men (+27%). However, up to a 10-fold difference was found among regions in both sexes. Highest ASRs emerged in Thiruvananthapuram (14.6/100,000 women and 4.1/100,000 men in 2012-2014), with 93% increase in women and 64% in men compared with 2006-2008. No evidence of overdiagnosis was found in Indian men. Conversely, overdiagnosis accounted for 51% of TC in Indian women: 74% in those aged < 35 years, 50% at ages 35 to 54 years, and 30% at ages 55 to 64 years. In particular, 80% of TC overdiagnosis in women emerged in Thiruvananthapuram, whereas none or limited evidence of overdiagnosis emerged in Kamrup, Dibrugarh, Bhopal, or Sikkim. Conclusions Relatively high and increasing TC ASRs emerged in Indian regions where better access to health care was reported. In India, as elsewhere, new strategies are needed to discourage opportunistic screening practice, particularly in young women, and to avoid unnecessary and expensive treatments. Present results may serve as a warning also for other transitioning countries.


2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (5) ◽  
Author(s):  
Anuradha Sharma

Abstract Indian women writers have established a permanent place in the arena of literature, because they have written with a woman’s point of view and have not imitated the established and stereotypical manners of writing. Most of the earlier Indian women autobiographies are written by educated, high-caste and rich women, especially queens and princess. However in their writings they have not glorified their riches instead have written about the social practices committed on women of their times and thus have expressed a genuine female experience.The Autobiography of an Indian Princess (1921) is one of the earliest writings by an Indian woman. Sunetee Devi (1864-1932), a daughter of Brahma follower Keshav Chandra Sen, who became the Maharani of Cooch Behar, lost her husband early in life. The book is a stepping stone in the realm of Indian women autobiographies as it depicts the inner feelings of most of the Indian women of 19th and 20th century. Another remarkable woman autobiography is India Calling (1934) by Cornelia Sorabji (1866-1954). It is the autobiography of India’s first woman lawyer, who raged a struggle against the suppression of women. Sorabji belonged to Parsi-Christian family. She was inspired to choose her job by observing the plight of women who visited her mother. Her book depicts the gender discrimination encountered by her not only in India but also in England where she went to study


2015 ◽  
Vol 49 (6) ◽  
pp. 1704-1731 ◽  
Author(s):  
ANGMA D. JHALA

AbstractThis article examines the cosmopolitan world of the colonialzenanathrough the marriages of two mid-twentieth-century royal Indian women, Maharani Brijraj Kumari of Dhrangadhra and Maharani Krishna Kumari of Jodhpur. In particular, it analyses the close connection betweenzenanawomen's education and emergent adolescent sexuality. These women ordinarily began their studies in mixed-gender classrooms with their brothers and male cousins as children. As they neared the age of menarche, girls were extracted from the formal schoolroom and undertook instruction in household management and childcare in preparation for their expected roles as wives and mothers. Despite being prematurely cut off from the childhood classroom, women's educational backgrounds (in both Western and Indic forms of knowledge) and future learning potential remained an important part of their postmarital identity. Young, anglicized Indian men increasingly desired wives who reflected the modernity that they hoped to represent as imperial subjects and were encouraged to adopt by British advisors and tutors. They required wives who would not wearpardahand thus reflect more Western ideals of companionate marriages of friendship, yet simultaneously live in gender-segregated palace quarters, uphold traditional kinship networks, perform religious duties, and engage in the maintenance of a large polygamous household. Definitions of sex, marriage, and domesticity were increasingly cross-cultural and pan-historical in nature, incorporating aspects both of the ‘modern’ and the ‘traditional’, the Indic and the European, the regional and the transnational.


2001 ◽  
Vol 40 (3) ◽  
pp. 391-418 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcus Collins

Of all the immigrants arriving in Britain in the middle of the twentieth century, none attracted as much attention from whites as West Indian men. This was initially explicable by their being the first nonwhites to settle in large numbers. Around ten thousand arrived during the Second World War (more than Britain's entire prewar black population) and, although some two-thirds of them were hurriedly repatriated after 1945, returning ex-servicemen formed the majority of passengers disembarking from the Empire Windrush on 21 June 1948: year zero for mass black immigration. For the following decade, most of the Commonwealth immigrants coming to Britain each year were West Indian, and, of these, men outnumbered women by a ratio of roughly two to one.In the late 1950s and 1960s, as their womenfolk joined them and as South Asians formed an ever-increasing proportion of new arrivals, it became clear that the prominence of West Indian men was more than merely numerical. It was cultural, stemming from the fascination-cum-revulsion of whites who customarily regarded them as vicious, indolent, violent, licentious, and antifamilial. These qualities were thought to differentiate them from their South Asian counterparts, who overcame an unsavory reputation acquired in the fifties to be viewed as the new Jews, placid and hard-working family men whose strict endogamy nullified their sexual charge. Much the same could be said for West Indian women, who posed less of a threat to white sensibilities on account of being considered less intemperate and sexually predatory than men.


Open Heart ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. e000821 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kjersti Stormark Rabanal ◽  
Haakon Eduard Meyer ◽  
Romana Pylypchuk ◽  
Suneela Mehta ◽  
Randi Marie Selmer ◽  
...  

ObjectivesTo evaluate a Framingham 5-year cardiovascular disease (CVD) risk score in Indians and Europeans in New Zealand, and determine whether body mass index (BMI) and socioeconomic deprivation were independent predictors of CVD risk.MethodsWe included Indians and Europeans, aged 30–74 years without prior CVD undergoing risk assessment in New Zealand primary care during 2002–2015 (n=256 446). Risk profiles included standard Framingham predictors (age, sex, systolic blood pressure, total cholesterol/high-density lipoprotein ratio, smoking and diabetes) and were linked with national CVD hospitalisations and mortality datasets. Discrimination was measured by the area under the receiver operating characteristics curve (AUC) and calibration examined graphically. We used Cox regression to study the impact of BMI and deprivation on the risk of CVD with and without adjustment for the Framingham score.ResultsDuring follow-up, 8105 and 1156 CVD events occurred in Europeans and Indians, respectively. Higher AUCs of 0.76 were found in Indian men (95% CI 0.74 to 0.78) and women (95% CI 0.73 to 0.78) compared with 0.74 (95% CI 0.73 to 0.74) in European men and 0.72 (95% CI 0.71 to 0.73) in European women. Framingham was best calibrated in Indian men, and overestimated risk in Indian women and in Europeans. BMI and deprivation were positively associated with CVD, also after adjustment for the Framingham risk score, although the BMI association was attenuated.ConclusionsThe Framingham risk model performed reasonably well in Indian men, but overestimated risk in Indian women and in Europeans. BMI and socioeconomic deprivation could be useful predictors in addition to a Framingham score.


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