A border baron and the Tudor state: the rise and fall of Lord Dacre of the North

1992 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 253-277 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steven G. Ellis
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Traditional Approach ◽  
Social Structures ◽  
The Political ◽  
Politics And Government ◽  
The North ◽  
Management Policies ◽  
Estate Management ◽  
A Minor

AbstractCrown policy towards the nobles and the rule of the provinces under the early Tudors reflected the values and social structures of ‘civil society’ in lowland England. Using as a case-study the Dacres, a minor peerage family who were wardens of the Anglo-Scottish marches, this paper explores the strains and tensions which were created by the application of these norms to the ‘peripheral’ parts of the Tudor state. The paper outlines the political ambitions, resources, and estate-management policies of a border baron, and argues that Henry VIII's policies for the rule of the borders and his expectations of his officials there were unrealistic. It also suggests that the traditional approach of historians to the problems of Tudor politics and government reflects too much a view of events as seen from ‘the centre’ and needs to be balanced by a more sensitive treatment of the problems of the ‘periphery’.

Traditionalism and politics: A case study of Northern Nigeria

1967 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 509-524 ◽  
Author(s):  
B. J. O. Dudley
Keyword(s):  
Social Change ◽  
Local Government ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
High Time ◽  
The Political ◽  
Northern Nigeria ◽  
The North ◽  
The Right

In the debate on the Native Authority (Amendment) Law of 1955, the late Premier of the North, Sir Ahmadu Bello, Sardauna of Sokoto, replying to the demand that ‘it is high time in the development of local government systems in this Region that obsolete and undemocratic ways of appointing Emirs’ Councils should close’, commented that ‘the right traditions that we have gone away from are the cutting off of the hands of thieves, and that has caused a lot of thieving in this country. Why should we not be cutting (off) the hands of thieves in order to reduce thieving? That is logical and it is lawful in our tradition and custom here.’ This could be read as a defence against social change, a recrudescence of ‘barbarism’ after the inroads of pax Britannica, and a plea for the retention of the status quo and the entrenched privilege of the political elite.

scholarly journals The Effect of Islamic Revolution on the Muslim’s Intellectual Schools Case Study of Libya and Tunisia

2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Jaseb Nikfar ◽  
Ali Mohammadi ◽  
Ali Bagheri Dolatabadi ◽  
Alireza Samiee Esfahani
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Analytic Method ◽  
Islamic Revolution ◽  
General Direction ◽  
The North ◽  
The World ◽  
The Government ◽  
Islamic Values

Nowadays the discussion of intellectual schools in the world, especially in the north of Africa is very important for the political analysts. The intellectual roots that existed in these regions from the beginning of independence were more toward the Islam. These roots mostly revealed themselves after the victory of Islamic revolution. The formation of Iran’s Islamic revolution on the top of west and east blocks’ mutuality was a paradigm of general direction of religions and Islamic values for forming the government. This article uses description- analytic method to investigate the effects of Islamic revolution on the Muslim’s intellectual schools in the north of Africa. Two main questions are How and in what direction has the Islamic revolution happening affected the Muslim’s intellectual schools in Libya and Tunisia? Findings of the research shows that with regards to the Muslim’s intellectual backgrounds that before the Islamic revolution existed, in these countries Islamic revolution caused the reinforcement and doubled motivation for these groups. But, yet the reinforcement of the activity of these groups caused their mutuality with the government and increase of violence and insecurity.

Christian women’s movements in secularizing and diversifying contexts: a case study from Belgium

2018 ◽  
pp. 117-133
Author(s):  
Nella van den Brandt
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Women's History ◽  
Women's Movements ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Changes ◽  
Self Presentation ◽  
Catholic Women ◽  
The Face

This chapter considers the case of Flanders. In Flanders, Christian women's movements belonging to Catholic civil society used to draw a large following and were able to contribute to the political, religious, and social emancipation of Catholic women throughout Belgium. Today, however, these Christian women's movements face declining membership and the need to ‘reinvent’ themselves according to contemporary times and women's needs. Looking at how a movement that is constitutive of Christian women's history in Flanders rethinks its self-presentation, the chapter aims to generate important insights, both descriptive and normative, into the role and place of Christian feminism and Christian women's movements in the face of social changes that take place across Western Europe.

The Initial British Impact on India: A Case Study of the Benares Region

1960 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 418-431 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bernard S. Cohn
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Great Britain ◽  
Social Structures ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Impact

The British administrative frontier in India had widely differing effects on the political and social structures of the regions into which it moved from the middle of the eighteenth century until the middle of the nineteenth century. It is impossible to generalize on the impact of the administration, because the regions into which it moved differed in their political and social structures, and because British administration and ideas about administration, both in India and in Great Britain, changed markedly throughout this hundred year period.

scholarly journals El territorio como campo de transformaciones socio-productivas. La posición de los agentes/ The territory as a field of socio-productive transformations. The position of agents

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Graciela Maria Preda
Keyword(s):  
Social Structures ◽  
Primary Data ◽  
Institutional Agents ◽  
The North ◽  
Reproduction Strategies ◽  
Geographical Space ◽  
Depth Interviews ◽  
Selection Of ◽  
Methodological Strategy

La expansión del capitalismo, a fines del siglo pasado, ha provocado profundas transformaciones en las estructuras sociales y en las relaciones de producción en el agro. En el norte de Córdoba, Argentina, lugar donde se realizó este estudio de caso, la ampliación de la frontera agraria con centralidad en la soja propició la inclusión de nuevos agentes productivos y la exclusión de otros. Así, coexistían diferentes formas de ocupación y modalidades de apropiación y puesta en producción de la tierra. Asimismo, la selección de lugares aptos para que el capital desplegara sus estrategias de reproducción generó la fragmentación del espacio geográfico. Este artículo se propone identificar a los productores que configuran la estructura social agraria y comprender cómo estos agentes –definidos por el volumen y la estructura de capital que poseen– generan el campo productivo y las relaciones de fuerza que lo caracterizan. La estrategia metodológica combina el análisis de datos secundarios y primarios provenientes de entrevistas en profundidad realizadas a productores, referentes técnicos y agentes institucionales de la región. Abstract The expansion of capitalism at the end of the last century has led to profound changes in social structures and in the relations of production in agriculture. In the north of Córdoba, Argentina, where this case study was carried out, the expansion of the agricultural frontier with centrality in soy allowed the inclusion of new productive agents and the exclusion of others. Thus, different forms of occupation and modalities of appropriation and putting into production of the land coexisted. Likewise, the selection of suitable places for capital to display its reproduction strategies generated the fragmentation of the geographical space. This article aims to identify the producers that shape the agrarian social structure, and understand how these agents, defined by the volume and structure of capital they possess,  generate the productive field and the relations of force that characterize it. The methodological strategy combines the analysis of secondary and primary data from in-depth interviews with producers, technical referents and institutional agents in the region.

Local Elections in Independent Ukraine: The Case Study of Nikolayev*

2004 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 551-563
Author(s):  
Olena Yatsunska
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Rule Of Law ◽  
Political System ◽  
Current Situation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
The Rule Of Law

In the current situation of societal modernization and transformation of the political system of Ukraine, one of the most important problems facing the country is the formation of a system of local self-government that can act effectively. If this institution is not developed and strengthened, there can be no discussion of the establishment of democratic, social government, of the development of the rule of law, or of an expansion of the infrastructure of civil society.

Russian nationalists in the Komi Republic: a case study of the Frontier of the North

2017 ◽  
Vol 45 (2) ◽  
pp. 238-255 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aleksandr G. Kuzmin ◽  
Anastasia V. Mitrofanova
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Young People ◽  
Komi Republic ◽  
Ordinary People ◽  
Grassroots Activism ◽  
Ethnic Nationalism ◽  
Public Authorities ◽  
Civic Activism ◽  
The North

The article examines some generic traits of the “new” Russian ethnic nationalism, namely, de-ideologization of the nationalist milieu and its inclination for civic activism. It results from a case study of the Frontier of the North (FN – Syktyvkar), an ideologically ambivalent organization that combines dual Russian/Komi ethnic nationalism, anti-migration sentiments, white racism, and fragments of other ideologies. The article demonstrates that, unlike nationalists of the previous generation, FN is not hostile to public authorities and is ready to cooperate with them. FN's grassroots activism, as well as sports and healthy recreational activities, attracts young people. The organization tackles the most acute social problems, often neglected by everyone else, and has become a working civil society institution. The authors argue that these tactics win the “new” nationalists sympathy among ordinary people and makes the groups politically stronger and more influential than the previous nationalist generation. However, state anti-extremist policy hampers the advancement of nationalists into mainstream politics.

scholarly journals Constructing victimhood in divided Germany: The case of the Association of the Victims of Stalinism (1950–1989)

2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 422-436 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Clarke
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Relevance ◽  
Historical Injustice ◽  
Civil Society Organisations ◽  
Divided Germany ◽  
Over Time ◽  
Do So

Taking the Vereinigung der Opfer des Stalinismus (Association of the Victims of Stalinism) as a case study, this article argues that civil society organisations which claim to represent the interests of victims of historical injustice must seek to construct and propagate notions of the political and social relevance of victimhood. They must do so in such a way that victimhood both offers a coherent point of identification for individual victims and speaks to the concerns of the political system on which victims rely for compensation and recognition. By examining the discourse of officials of this organisation over time, it is possible to demonstrate the extent to which victims’ representatives must adapt their conception of victimhood in order to respond to changing circumstances. The article also points to the challenges these organisations face in remaining relevant in the new political contexts.

scholarly journals The political economy of Nigeria's relentless conflict

2010 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
E. Wayne Nafziger
Keyword(s):  
Multinational Corporations ◽  
Rent Seeking ◽  
Northern Region ◽  
The Political ◽  
Government Revenue ◽  
Regional Structure ◽  
High Stakes ◽  
The North ◽  
Boom And Bust

This article considers Nigeria's continuing conflict since independence, providing a valuable case study that illustrates the complexity and specificity of the factors and processes that engender conflict within countries. It argues that a major source of this conflict has been the domination of the Federation by the traditional ruling Fulani aristocracy and their allies in the Northern Region, who controlled rents from petroleum in the Delta. It discusses how the British establishment of a tripartite regional structure during colonialism enabled the traditional aristocracy to control the North, with a majority of Nigeria's population; the Northern victories in the clashes over census design; the dominance of petroleum in government revenue and foreign exchange; the negative post-1983 growth amid cycles of boom and bust; and the resulting urgency of the high-stakes rent seeking for controlling mining revenue paid by multinational corporations. Despite the expansion from three regions in 1960 to 36 states in 1996, the lopsided power of Northern elites has remained and so have the conflicts.

The Ottoman Empire and the Crimean Khanate in the North Caucasus: A Case Study of Ottoman-Crimean Relations in the Mid-Sixteenth Century

2018 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 86-103
Author(s):  
Murat Yaşar ◽  
Chong Jin Oh
Keyword(s):  
Sixteenth Century ◽  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Present Article ◽  
The Political ◽  
North Caucasus ◽  
The North

Focusing on Ottoman and Crimean policies and their involvement in the North Caucasus in the second half of the sixteenth century as a case study, this paper sheds light on the nature of the political arrangement between the Ottoman empire and the Crimean khanate in this period. Agreeing with scholars who argue that the Crimean khanate’s relationship with the Ottoman empire cannot be classified as vassalage, the present article treats the North Caucasus as a newly emerging borderland and a ‘micro north’ to better understand the framework in which the Crimean khanate functioned as a unit within the Ottoman system.

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