Social forces in Southern Africa: transformation from below?

2006 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-58 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anthony J. Leysens

The majority of southern Africa's inhabitants are economically marginalised. Robert W. Cox's macro-theory of change suggests that the marginalised are a social force that could bring about political economic transformation from below. Other contemporary analysts also stress the importance of focusing on the marginalised as a source of social instability. The paper uses empirical data from the Afrobarometer (Round 1, 1999–2000) to investigate whether this expectation for the marginalised to act as a catalyst for change in seven southern African states is substantiated. The analysis shows that the political protest potential of the marginalised is lower than that of the economically integrated, that they are more tolerant of authoritarian political alternatives, and that they are not significantly more economically dissatisfied than other groups. They are also inclined to accord somewhat more legitimacy to the state than are the integrated. Societies where large parts of the population are poor and marginalised are thus not necessarily more prone to political instability in the form of protest actions (violent or non-violent). Those who are justly concerned about equity and greater inclusiveness must take cognisance of the need to access the profile of the marginalised.

2020 ◽  
Vol 64 (9) ◽  
pp. 1271-1298
Author(s):  
Olga Zelinska

This article employs a contentious politics framework to examine the mobilization–repression nexus as it occurred in Ukraine from the 1990 Revolution on Granite, through the 2000-2001 Ukraine without Kuchma campaign and the 2004 Orange Revolution, to the 2013-2014 Euromaidan movement. Comparative analysis of these four cases suggests that developments in both the contentious and repressive repertoires resembled spirals: each campaign became more complex and of longer duration than the last, and each was driven by the repeated protester–government interactions and by the political, economic, and technological environment that changed over time. In the transit from autocracy to democracy, Ukrainian activists adopted and “normalized” political protest much more quickly than did the authorities. The activists creatively innovated as they borrowed from earlier dissent traditions and from other social movements abroad. For the government, the process of learning how to manage contention with means other than their usual repression tactics was much longer, and it is not over. As it slowly transits from Soviet past to democracy, Ukraine continues its development into a “social movement society.”


2017 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 156-190 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick Ziltener ◽  
Daniel Künzler ◽  
André Walter

We present a new dataset with 15 indicators for the political, economic and social impact of colonialism. This dataset and our four indices for the impact of colonialism create for the first time the opportunity to compare directly the levels of colonial transformation for a sample of 83 African and Asian countries. Some of our exploratory findings on the interrelation of the dimensions show that in British colonies political domination was in general less direct and less violent. Plantation colonies experienced more investment in infrastructure and more violence during decolonization. The correlations between indicators for economic distortion (trade policy, trade and FDI concentration) show that the economic re-direction of some colonies towards a more exclusive exchange with the metropole country was an interdependent process. In general, a more intense political domination came along with a higher level of economic transformation. If an area was transformed economically, however, a social transformation was likely to take place too, but these processes should not be confounded. In areas that were politically united for the first time under colonialism, economic distortion and social transformation were more profound.


2005 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 131-165 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert S. Kravchuk ◽  
Victor Chudowsky

This article explores the political, economic, and social forces underlying the east/west cleavage in the 1994 Ukrainian presidential and parliamentary elections. We demonstrate that economic factors—notably, variations in regional economic strength and changes in employment in the period preceding the elections—are stronger predictors of country-wide voting behavior and candidate support than ethnic and linguistic factors. The exceptions are the extreme eastern and western oblasts, where the analysis suggests the existence of significant differences in political culture.


2017 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Darko Tadić

The dramatic changes in the political, social and economic transformation of Western Balkans countries have brought the tectonic disturbances in the earlier system of mass media operations in these societies. The process of worldwide globalization, a strong influence of the Internet and electronic communications, and development of new communication technologies had not brought the expected improvement in work of the media. On the contrary, after the traumatic experience of the nineties, the media in the Balkans show retrograde signals of closure, xenophobia, localism, and low professional and technological progress. These negative processes in the field of media and information business significantly hinder the integration of these countries on the path to Europe, introducing the notion of Balkanization of the media in everyday media practice. Lack of understanding of the media business pushed the Balkan countries on the periphery of the global media scene. Bearing in mind the specific historical, political, economic and cultural patterns in this region, the media in the Balkans have become hostage to the ruling elite, and therefore were reduced to the function of the simple service to transfer messages without major contributions to the progress of societies in which they operate.The only way out of this situation is a profound and radical transformation of the Western Balkans in the political, economic and cultural spheres, providing greater and more authentic contribution to European and world road to global society, which will create conditions for equal membership of these countries in the global society of the future. This transformation can be achieved by better education of employees in the media, better transparency of media ownership, magnification of media outlets owned by citizens (independent media) and greater technological literacy of the general population through systematic work in the educational system of these countries.


wisdom ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 92-97
Author(s):  
Marine SHAHBAZYAN

As a system-building factor for a modern and dynamically developing society, the information sphere significantly influences the political, economic, cultural, protective, and ideological general state and elements of the states', nations' and individuals' life security, which highlights the importance of information security in the national security system. Information security is a state of national community where the comprehensive and safe protection of a person, society and state is guaranteed from all sorts of information risks and threats, radically oriented political and social forces. Consequently, information security is a complex process to gradually overcome any information risk. The challenges and threats the information security faces determine the specific content of the practical steps and measures that ensure the national security.


2015 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 52-72 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kean Birch ◽  
Kirby Calvert

A sustainable transition is premised upon moving from a carbon energy regime to a renewable energy regime; a highly contested political-economic transformation, to say the least. In places like the United States and European Union the main form of renewable energy is bioenergy, especially biofuels. Recent policy and industry efforts are focusing on the development and implementation of what are known as ‘drop-in’ biofuels, so named because they can be incorporated into existing distribution infrastructure (e.g. pipelines) and conversion devices with relatively few, if any, technical modifications. As with carbon energy, bioenergy has particular materialities that are implicated in the political-economic possibilities and constraints facing societies around the world. These political materialities of bioenergy shape and are shaped by new energy regimes and therefore problematize the notion of a drop-in biofuel. Thus further examination of the political materialities of bioenergy, and of renewable energy more generally, is of critical importance for successful sustainable transitions.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 132-135
Author(s):  
William J. Daniels

This personal narrative recounts the experiences of an NCOBPS founder, who discusses significant events in his life from student to faculty that motivated his professional journey, including his participation in the founding of NCOBPS. It reflects on what it meant to be a black student, and later, a black faculty member teaching at a predominantly white institution in the political science discipline in the 1960s. It also provides a glimpse into how the freedom movements shaped his fight for fundamental rights as a citizen. Finally, it gives credence to the importance of independent black organizations as agents for political protest and vehicles for economic and social justice.


Author(s):  
Lara Deeb ◽  
Mona Harb

South Beirut has recently become a vibrant leisure destination with a plethora of cafés and restaurants that cater to the young, fashionable, and pious. What effects have these establishments had on the moral norms, spatial practices, and urban experiences of this Lebanese community? From the diverse voices of young Shi'i Muslims searching for places to hang out, to the Hezbollah officials who want this media-savvy generation to be more politically involved, to the religious leaders worried that Lebanese youth are losing their moral compasses, this book provides a sophisticated and original look at leisure in the Lebanese capital. What makes a café morally appropriate? How do people negotiate morality in relation to different places? And under what circumstances might a pious Muslim go to a café that serves alcohol? This book highlights tensions and complexities exacerbated by the presence of multiple religious authorities, a fraught sectarian political context, class mobility, and a generation that takes religion for granted but wants to have fun. The book elucidates the political, economic, religious, and social changes that have taken place since 2000, and examines leisure's influence on Lebanese sociopolitical and urban situations. Asserting that morality and geography cannot be fully understood in isolation from one another, the book offers a colorful new understanding of the most powerful community in Lebanon today.


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 157-165
Author(s):  
Mansoor Mohamed Fazil

Abstract This research focuses on the issue of state-minority contestations involving transforming and reconstituting each other in post-independent Sri Lanka. This study uses a qualitative research method that involves critical categories of analysis. Migdal’s theory of state-in-society was applied because it provides an effective conceptual framework to analyse and explain the data. The results indicate that the unitary state structure and discriminatory policies contributed to the formation of a minority militant social force (the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam – The LTTE) which fought with the state to form a separate state. The several factors that backed to the defeat of the LTTE in 2009 by the military of the state. This defeat has appreciably weakened the Tamil minority. This study also reveals that contestations between different social forces within society, within the state, and between the state and society in Sri Lanka still prevail, hampering the promulgation of inclusive policies. This study concludes that inclusive policies are imperative to end state minority contestations in Sri Lanka.


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