The Colonial Municipal Council in Padang (Sumatra) as Political Arena

1995 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 263-288 ◽  
Author(s):  
Freek Colombijn

The experiment with administrative decentralization in Indonesia started with a new law that was enacted in 1903. The European civil servants believed that this law would protect their position, and they did not foresee two processes that were to gradually undercut this very position. First, the citizens in the municipal councils seized the opportunity to acquire a real degree of autonomy. Secondly, the council became a platform where the Indonesian members voiced their grievances from the 1920s onwards. After the Dutch colonial era, and in particular during the Japanese period and the years of Guided Democracy, the municipalities lost most of their leeway for formulating an autonomous policy and devising budgets to the central government. Now, starting with Law 5 issued in 1973, the New Order government of Indonesia has again embarked on the path of administrative decentralization.

2019 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 279
Author(s):  
Sartika Intaning Pradhani

The existence of adat law community has been recognized since Dutch Colonial Era until today. State recognitions towards adat law community are dynamics. This paper is written based on legal normative research to describe dynamics of adat law community recognition. In the early of Indonesia independent, adat law community was considered as foundation of Indonesia nation state establishment. Since 1957 and during New Order era, there was systematic effort to abolish adat law communities because adat law was perceived as symbol of backwardness. After the amendment of the Constitution, adat law community and their traditional rights are recognized by law and enforced through court decision. Adat law community can determine their type of recognition to strengthen their legal capacity to manage Adat Forest; to organize Adat Village; or to hold communal land rights. 


ALQALAM ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 162
Author(s):  
Syafiin Mansur

Christian is the second largest religion in Indonesia, after Islam. The relation between Christian and Islam frequently emerges prejudices, misunderstandings, and conflicts. Based on the historical records, Christians frequently refused the Government’s rules that have been agreed by the adherents of all religions in Indonesia due to the interests  of Christianization developed from Portuguese and Dutch colonial era until the Independence Day of Indonesia. The efforts of Christianization seems more aggressive after the dissolution of the communist party and during New Order era.  As a result, many communist people and the poors became the Christians at that time. The Christians’ efforts to convert the believers of other religions in Indonesia, especially Muslims, were done by various ways and forms, and they still continue to this day.This Paper answers several main research questions as follow: how is the portrait of Christianization In Indonesia from 1966-1998?; how are the responses of Mohammad Natsir, Hasbullah Bakry and Abujamin Roham as Muslim intellectuals in mapping Christianization in Indonesia?; and how are the efforts of these figures in stemming Christianization in Indonesia?. This paper hows that Christianization in Indonesia is still taking place up to the present.  Even though on the name of social activities, the efforts of Christianization in the New Order era were conducted systematically, well-organized, and carefully planned so that they succeeded to convert Muslims to be Christians satisfactorily. Such condition was admitted by Mohammad Natsir, Hasbullah Bakry, and Abujamin Roham so that they strictly responded and stated that Christianization has violated Pancasila and UUD 1945 as well as infringed the ethics of proselytizing that potentially evoked prejudices, conflicts, and destruction  of inter-religious harmony in Indonesia. Those three figures made serious efforts to weir Christianization in Indonesia by writing scientific works dealing with Christianization in Indonesia in order to fortify faith and strengthen the unity of Muslims, training and preparing professional proselytizers, performing dialogues and discussions, and fostering inter-religious harmony so as to create peace and unity of Indonesi.Keywords: Mohammad Natsir, Hasbullah Bakry, Abujamin Roham, Pemikiran, Intelektual, Kristenisasi, Toleransi, Kerukunan, Indoensia. 


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 15-25
Author(s):  
Sufandi Iswanto ◽  
Nurasiah Nurasiah ◽  
T. Bahagia Kesuma

The events of the Gayo-Alas War that occurred between the Gayo-Alas people against the Dutch colonial marked the end of the Aceh War. This bloody conflict also marked the Gayo Plateau region, especially Takengon, which was occupied by the Dutch colonial authorities. Since then, Takengon, which was originally just an inland region of Aceh, has begun to grow, especially its infrastructure. Therefore, this study aims to examine the infrastructure that was built in the colonial era (1904-1942). The method used in this study is the historical method, which consisted of five analytical stages, namely topic selection, heuristics, leverage, interpretation, and historiography. The results of the study show that since the Dutch colonial came to the Gayo Takengon Plateau in 1904, Takengon was more developed comparing to previous period, all of which was inseparable from infrastructure development by the Dutch colonial. Some of the infrastructures were built successfully, there were the main road between Bireuen and Takengon, central government, Dutch and Tionghoa society, market, and Dutch school.  The development of infrastructure also has had an impact for Takengon's area, such as the new society along Bireuen-Takengon highway, and the construction of Takengon-Gayo Lues' road. In addition, the opening of the road was aimed at opening the Dutch plantations and the private sector has  made the emergence of the society's settlements, like in Redelong, Pondok Baru (Janarata), Lampahan and Isaq.


2016 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 24-35
Author(s):  
Saefudin A Safi'i

The downfall of the New Order Regime in 1998 brought about significant change to Indonesia’s public sector.  Law number 22 of 1999, further refined by Law 32 of 2004, provide legal bases for district governments to administer the public sector. The central government also introduces the notion of good governance through the promulgation of various regulations. For Madrasah however, decentralization policy failed to provide clear legal bases as to how it relates to district government. Law 32 of 2004 verse 10 article 3 retains the centralized management by the Ministry of Religious Affairs. This however does not exclude Madrasah from public demand of implementing the principle of good governance. This study analyses the dynamics of principal-ship both in the Sekolah and the Madrasah in the era of decentralization. By comparing two research sites, this study sought to create better understanding about the context by which the organization climate of two different schools are shaped, and how principals and teachers perceives the notion of school leadership in the light of most recent policy development. To do this, interviews were undertaken and questionnaire-based data collection was also conducted. The study found that in the ground level implementation of decentralization policy, Sekolah developed more rigorous leadership compared to that in the Madrasah. This research recommends the adoption of stronger regulation regarding principal-ship of Madrasahs in order to create an environment that is more in tune with the spirit of public service reforms.


2012 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 147-162
Author(s):  
Budi Setiyono ◽  
Dio Satrio Jati ◽  
Teten Jamaludin

Cepu Block located between Centre Jawa and East Java. It is known as a rich block because it has a source of oil and gas. Block Cepu, where geographically located between three districts, Blora (Centre Java), Bojonegoro and Tuban (East Java) has given a contribution to national budget (APBN) and respected local government budget (APBD). About 33 per cent of the land of Cepu Block is owned by Blora, 67 per cent owned by Bojonegoro and the rest is owned by Tuban. Ironically, however, although 33 per cent of the Block belongs to Blora, the district does not receive any financial income from the oil exploration. There is no resources share fund from Cepu Block. Moreover, the district has to deal with the negative impacts of exploration activities at the Block Cepu such as damaging of infrastructure, environmental pollution, and social disturbance. Blora District has protested to Centre Government, but so far there is no outcome. Centre Government asked that this problem should be studied first. The central government argue that if it is approved, then there will be domino impact: other districts will do the same like Blora. Blora district is struggling to get equality in resources share fund (dana bagi hasil). Efforts have done, seminars and workshops, lobby to DPD (Upper House) to find a solution. Now the district government is proposing judicial review to constitution court. This research examines the history of Block Cepu. It reveals the history of the block from the colonial era up to the reformation era. Further, the research aims to know how the tension between local government (Blora Government) and central government regarding Blok Cepu oil exploration. The research suggests that there is injustice in the distribution of revenue from the exploration and it is understandable if Blora district government struggle to get proportional revenue sharing.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (8) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Enny Ingketria

From the Dutch colonial era until the end of Suharto administration, Chinese Indonesians have perpetually been the victims of racial prejudice and negative stereotyping addressed by pribumi. However, the most difficult situations and unpleasant experiences occurred under Suharto's New Order, where the forced assimilation policy was implemented and Chinese Indonesians at that time were drawn to Chinese films and series to search for their Chinese-ness, while escaping reality. The previous researches did not provide comprehensive studies on the identity formation of Chinese Indonesians in Post-Suharto era, especially after the reformation era, under different presidents. Therefore, the subjective reality of third and fourth generations of Chinese Indonesians who spent their adolescence and/or adulthood over the course of Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY)’s tenure has been explored in this study. From the constructive nature of reality to the situational constraints that shape inquiry, the Chinese Indonesians were indeed more emotionally expressive, supported by a more stable political and economic condition, exposure to the new media, and enhanced bilateral partnership between China and Indonesia. The use of new media in disseminating the Chinese cultural values through the media product, as well as the Chinese cultural practice publicly held by mostly Chinese communities in Indonesia became the influential factors in connecting those younger generations of Chinese Indonesia to their heritage. Ethnic pride and cultural long-distance nationalism can be eventually observed.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 90
Author(s):  
Rhoni Rodin

Background of the study: This research belongs to the literature study since it is carried out by exploring information and documentation relating to archiving regulationsPurpose: This study aims to analyze the development of archiving regulations in Indonesia from time to time.Method: Analyzing data using descriptive analysis methods.Findings: The results showed that the development of archiving regulations in Indonesia showed a positive trend, as this was shown by the issuance of several regulations relating to archival issues from the Dutch colonial era and the independence of Indonesia in 1945 up until the issuance of Law No. 43 of 2009 during the reform era recently.Conclusion: All archiving laws or regulations are basically for the existence of archives and archives very important for society, government and the Indonesian Nation.


2011 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 122-134
Author(s):  
Harry Octavianus Sofian

Gunung Sewu karst area has attracted the attention archaeologists since the Dutch colonial era to the present. One of the karst area is located Paliyan District, Gunungkidul Regency. Based on research conducted by Harry Octavianus Sofian in year 2007, there were at least 11 caves and rockshelter as a potential residential dwelling. This paper will discuss and look for patterns of spatial distribution of caves and archaeological potential rockshelter as an ancient settlement in the District Paliyan using Nearest Neighbor Analysis (Analisis Tetangga Terdekat) manually and use Neighborhood Statistic analysis contained in the Arc View software.


Kandai ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 96
Author(s):  
Yohanes Adhi Satiyoko

Equality of men is a great issue to maintain every country all the time. Indonesia is one of them which should struggle to maintain it so far. Fictional work is one of the aesthetical means to support it. The way of struggle can be memorized through the time of independence era in fictional works of Balai Poestaka publisher. Javanese language novels, Ngulandara and Kirti NdjoendjoengDradjat are two literary works published by BalaiPoestaka that were written in the dominance times of Balai Poestaka activities as commission for people’s reading in Dutch colonial era in Indonesia (Dutch Indies). Kepriyayian (nobility) was the theme of Ngulandara (1936) and Kirti NdjoendjoengDradjat(1924) novels. As seen from propaganda point of view, ideologically the portrayal of priyayi (nobleman) was analogy symbol of Dutch colonial government that ruled social system. Ngulandara and Kirti Njunjung Drajat showed a “struggle” through literary works as portrayed in wong cilik (Javanese: lower class people) who struggled against the existence of the authorities. The struggle emerged in the way of wong cilik behaved intellectually, morally, even mannerly better than the nobles (priyayi). This research used the theory of literature and propaganda using a sociological approach. Those oppositional relationships between deconstruction nobles and the raise of wong cilik in the field of intellectual, moral, and manner show the propaganda of equality of men through the voice of Jasawidagdo and Margana Djajaatmadja.Kesetaraan manusia merupakan isu besar yang harus selalu dijaga di setiap negara. Indonesia adalah salah satu negara yang harus tetap berjuang menjaga isu tersebut. Karya fiksi berfungsi sebagai salah satu peranti estetis untuk mendukung isu tersebut. Cara memperjuangkan isu tersebut ialah dengan mengingat kembali masa kemerdekaan melalui penerbit Balai Poestaka. Novel-novel berbahasa Jawa, Ngulandara dan Kirti Ndjoendjoeng Dradjat ialah dua karya sastra yang diterbitkan oleh Balai Poestaka yang ditulis pada waktu dominasi Balai Poestaka sebagai komisi bacaan rakyat di era kolonial Belanda di Indonesia (Hindia Belanda). Kepriyayian merupakan tema novel Ngulandara (1936) dan Kirti Njoendjoeng Dradjat (1924). Dilihat dari sudut pandang propaganda, penggambaran priyayi merupakan analogi simbol pemerintah kolonial Belanda yang berkuasa mengatur sistem sosial kemasyarakatan. Ngulandara dan Kirti Ndjoendjoeng Dradjat menunjukkan sebuah “perjuangan” melalui karya sastra seperti digambarkan melalui wong cilik yang berjuang melawan kemapanan penguasa. Perjuangan tersebut muncul dengan cara wong cilik tersebut bertindak secara intelektual, bermoral, bahkan bersikap lebih terhormat daripada para priyayi. Penelitian ini menggunakan teori sastra dan propaganda dengan pendekatan sosiologi. Relasi oposisional antara dekonstruksi priyayi dan bangkitnya wong cilik dalam ranah intelektual, moral, dan sikap menunjukkan propaganda kesetaraan manusia melalui suara Jasawidagdo dan Margana Djajaatmadja.  


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