Religion and the Regime

2017 ◽  
Vol 69 (4) ◽  
pp. 676-712
Author(s):  
Karrie J. Koesel

What is the nature of religion and state relations in authoritarian regimes? How do religious and regime actors negotiate the terms of their relationship;what do the two sides want from one another; and how cooperative or conflictual are their interactions? To address these questions, the author compares religion-regime relations in contemporary Russia and China—two autocracies with long histories of religious repression, diverse religious profiles, and distinct relations between religion and the state. The article introduces a new theoretical framework anchored in interests and subnational authoritarian politics to explain how religious and political authorities negotiate their relationship and the constraints and opportunities that shape their interaction. Although there are many reasons to expect different types of religion-regime relations across Russia and China, the data demonstrate that subnational governments and diverse religious actors often forge innovative partnerships to govern more efficiently, gain access to resources, and safeguard their survival.

Author(s):  
A. Sh. Sharipov ◽  

This article analyzes the role and place of religion in Uzbek-Turkish relations. In both countries, the Sunni sect of Islam is predominant. In Uzbekistan, religion is separated from the state, and religious activity is fully controlled by the state. The ruling party in Turkey makes extensive use of Islamic elements in governing. Mirziyoyev's rise to power in Uzbekistan marked the beginning of religious cooperation. In Uzbekistan, where religious control has been strong for many years, various forms of religious education, such as Islamic finance and foundation work, have been inactive. Today, after Saudi Arabia and Iran, Turkey claims to be a leader in the Islamic world. The extent to which Turkey's experience in religion and state relations is relevant to Uzbekistan is important.


2021 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
K Thirumaran ◽  
Emiel L. Eijdenberg

Abstract This study explores two different destination membership card models with the aim of developing a comprehensive framework for understanding this aspect of elite travel. Through a comparative analysis of the different types of destination membership cards, we develop a model that situates tourism knowledge and suggests areas of further research in this under-explored area. Two important destination membership card models are identified: state supported and private sector based. The state-supported agent offers privileged membership, consolidates resources, and creates exclusive experiences. Conversely, the private-sector-based agent tends to amass the resources offered by destination businesses to create exclusive services and provide special access to resources. Both types are significant agents that channel and empower travellers in the high-end segment, thereby creating further differentiation in products and services in the context of market segmentation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 101 (2) ◽  
pp. 265-295
Author(s):  
Heather Vrana

Abstract This article addresses the role of disability and disabled people in the construction of citizenship and nation through the ideologies and practices of charity from the 1870s through the 1940s. These periods of Guatemalan history are generally thought of as distinct: the Liberal triumph over Conservatives, Liberal dictatorship, and democratic revolution. To the contrary, practices of charity reveal the continuity of these political forms. This article explains the three models of charity that characterized modern Guatemala—caridad, beneficencia, and asistencia social—and outlines how they reflected understandings of the relationship between individuals and the state. It also provides a window into the daily lives of patients at the nation's insane asylum, leprosarium, and general hospital, who were not merely objects of charity but also political subjects who engaged charity models to gain access to resources, people, and mobility. In sum, this article integrates disability into broader historical narratives.


2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 53
Author(s):  
Muhammad Soleh Aminullah

This paper examines the basic state relating to religion and the state. Which of these reforms emerged as a different response between Islamic nationalist groups and secular nationalist groups. Islamic nationalist groups ask for a state based on religion. While secular functionalist groups believe that in the basic formulation of the state, religion must be separated from the state. The first opinion (Islamic nationalists) is based that the majority of Indonesia’s population is Muslim, and conversely the second group holds that Indonesia is a plural state consisting of various groups by wanting Pancasila as the basis of the state. This paper uses descriptive literature study method, meaning that materials are collected from various literatures in order to collect data relating to religious and state relations according to Sukarno. So that it can be understood that the separation of religion and state in Sukarno’s view there are at least three main points. Besides that, Sukarno’s thoughts were also inspired by Kemal Attatur from Turkey and Ali Abdurraziq and other reformers. The separation of religion and state is done for the sake of national unity, bearing in mind that the Indonesian nation is a plural nation. The separation of religion and state in question will not rule out the teachings of Islam, and the building of nationalism in question is not chauvinism, but nationalism which makes Indonesian people become servants of God who live in the spirit and soul of religion. 


Author(s):  
Asher Cohen

This chapter focuses on four main aspects of relations among religion, society, and the state. The first section describes religion–state relations in Israel in comparison to the models prevalent in Western democracies. The second section categorizes the components of Jewish society in Israel by attitude toward tradition and religion. The third section focuses on the political system, with a look at the distribution of political parties based on religion and state and on models of accommodational and crisis politics. The fourth section examines two key disputes involving relations among religion, society, and the state: the public nature of the Jewish Sabbath as an expression of the struggle over the public space and the question of the boundaries of the Jewish collective, known in Israel as “who is a Jew.” After seventy years of existence, Israel still wrestles with a wide range of unresolved issues pertaining to religion, society, and state, reflecting an inability to reach stable and consensual solutions.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (118) ◽  
pp. 31-41
Author(s):  
G. Majıev ◽  

In this article analyzes aspects of religion and state relations in Iran and Turkey. In order to open relations between the state and religion, analyzed the features of the manifestation of religious elements in the power system of these countries, including the country's Constitution and legislation regulating the sphere of religion, the activities of religious parties and religious communities. In addition, special attention was paid to the geographical location of the two countries, ethnic and religious composition, and cultural history. Among Islamic countries, Iran and Turkey have a number of differences in religious and state relations compared to other Muslim countries. Therefore, it is important to focus on the models of these two countries when studying the world experience of relations between religion and the state in a comprehensive way. This is especially important for Kazakhstan, which is moving in a secular direction. In the structure of the state administration of Iran, the influence of the religious corps «Valiyat Faqih» is predominant. In Turkey, on the other hand, the religious administration of Dianet is subordinate to the presidential administration. In Iran, religious parties are politically active, while in Turkey, political parties are not allowed to use any religious elements. However, despite these features, both countries are recognized in the world as States that give priority to the Muslim religion. Since the article is aimed at uncovering the specifics of state-confessional relations in Iran and Turkey, structural and functional and comparative analysis methods have been used in the study.


2020 ◽  
pp. 29-54
Author(s):  
Sebastiano Costa ◽  
Francesca Liga ◽  
Maria Cristina Gugliandolo ◽  
Simona Sireno ◽  
Rosalba Larcan ◽  
...  

Self-determination theory has become a consolidated theoretical framework to deepen the psychological control construct. Numerous studies have widely investigated the consequences of the use of this parenting strategy during the life cycle. Although studies focused on the antecedents of parental psychological control are not so numerous, they provide an interesting picture that needs to be systematized and organized. For this reason, this narra-tive review was aimed at describing the studies on the antecedents of psychological control that used SDT as a theoretical framework. These studies were structured according to three categories: Parental Characteristics (or pressure from within), Child Characteristics (pres-sure from below), and Family Social Environment Characteristics (pressure from above). The results highlighted a wealth of studies in each category and indicating the need to con-tinue this line of studies in the future through the integration of the different types of ante-cedents too.


2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 352-366 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruce Baugh

In Bergsonism, Deleuze refers to Bergson's concept of an ‘open society’, which would be a ‘society of creators’ who gain access to the ‘open creative totality’ through acting and creating. Deleuze and Guattari's political philosophy is oriented toward the goal of such an open society. This would be a democracy, but not in the sense of the rule of the actually existing people, but the rule of ‘the people to come,’ for in the actually existing situation, such a people is ‘lacking’. When the people becomes a society of creators, the result is a society open to the future, creativity and the new. Their openness and creative freedom is the polar opposite of the conformism and ‘herd mentality’ condemned by Deleuze and Nietzsche, a mentality which is the basis of all narrow nationalisms (of ethnicity, race, religion and creed). It is the freedom of creating and commanding, not the Kantian freedom to obey Reason and the State. This paper uses Bergson's The Two Sources of Morality and Religion, and Deleuze and Guattari's Kafka: For a Minor Literature, A Thousand Plateaus and What is Philosophy? to sketch Deleuze and Guattari's conception of the open society and of a democracy that remains ‘to come’.


2009 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 110-127
Author(s):  
Abdoulaye Sounaye

Unexpectedly, one of the marking features of democratization in Niger has been the rise of a variety of Islamic discourses. They focus on the separation between religion and the state and, more precisely, the way it is manifested through the French model of laïcité, which democratization has adopted in Niger. For many Muslim actors, laïcité amounts to a marginalization of Islamic values and a negation of Islam. This article present three voices: the Collaborators, the Moderates, and the Despisers. Each represents a trend that seeks to influence the state’s political and ideological makeup. Although the ulama in general remain critical vis-à-vis the state’s political and institutional transformation, not all of them reject the principle of the separation between religion and state. The Collaborators suggest cooperation between the religious authority and the political one, the Moderates insist on the necessity for governance to accommodate the people’s will and visions, and the Despisers reject the underpinning liberalism that voids religious authority and demand a total re-Islamization. I argue that what is at stake here is less the separation between state and religion than the modality of this separation and its impact on religious authority. The targets, tones, and justifications of the discourses I explore are evidence of the limitations of a democratization project grounded in laïcité. Thus in place of a secular democratization, they propose a conservative democracy based on Islam and its demands for the realization of the common good.


TAJDID ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 33
Author(s):  
Hasan Bisri

The concept of wilâyat al-faqîh from Imam Khomeini was one of the products of Islamic thought. It has revive discourse on Islamic studies in various parts of the Islamic world. It is not only become a threat to the status quo of the Muslim rulers, in fact it has been raising the academic and scholarly discussion in the forums of national, regional, and international levels. The influence of  the concept of wilâyat al-faqîh from Imam Khomeini to contemporary Islamic thought in Indonesia looked on discourse about the relation between religion and state. Indeed, the debate on religion-state relations have long occurred in Indonesia, but in academic discourse becomes increasingly crowded since the concept of wilâyat al-faqîh serve as the basis for the establishment of the Islamic State of Iran by Imam Khomeini. Effect the concept of wilâyat al-faqîh in contemporary Indonesian Islamic thought encouraged by the publication of books by/about Imam Khoemini and about Shia in general and the development of Shi'i institutions in Indonesia.


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