7. Citizenship Theory

Author(s):  
Will Kymlicka

This chapter examines theories of citizenship as an important supplement to, rather than a replacement for, theories of justice. It first considers what sorts of virtues and practices are said to be required by democratic citizenship, focusing on two different forms of civic republicanism: a classical view which emphasizes the intrinsic value of political participation, and a liberal view which emphasizes its instrumental importance. The chapter then explains how liberal states can try to promote the appropriate forms of citizenship virtues and practices. It also discusses the seedbeds of civic virtue, taking into account a variety of aspects of liberal society that can be seen as inculcating civic virtues, including the market, civic associations, and the family. It concludes with an analysis of the politics of civic republicanism.

Author(s):  
Christie Hartley

This chapter discusses whether political liberalism’s commitment to ideal theory makes it ill-suited for theorizing about justice for socially subordinated groups such as women and racial minorities. It is shown that political liberalism’s commitment to ideal theory does not entail assuming away race or gender as social categories that give rise to concerns about justice. Even within a politically liberal well-ordered (ideal) society racial or gender inequalities may arise due to the role that beliefs about race or gender play in some persons’ comprehensive doctrines. Furthermore, it is argued that theories of justice developed for a well-ordered politically liberal society provide important guidance for correcting injustices on the basis of gender and race in nonideal societies.


Author(s):  
Robert B. Talisse

Democracy is hard work. It can flourish only when citizens actively participate in the business of collective self-government. Yet political participation gives rise to deep political divides over core political values. In the midst of these divisions, citizens are required to recognize one another as political equals, as fellow participants who are entitled to an equal share of political power. Research shows that political engagement exposes citizens to forces that erode their capacities to regard their political opponents as their equals. In the course of democratic participation, we come to see our opponents as inept and ill-motivated, ultimately unfit for democracy. This tendency is especially pronounced among those who are the most politically active. Democratic citizenship thus can undermine itself. With this conflict at the heart of democratic citizenship, we must actively pursue justice while also treating those who embrace injustice as our equals. Sustaining Democracy navigates this conflict. It begins by exploring partisanship and polarization, the two mechanisms by which citizens come to regard their opponents as unsuited for democracy. It then proposes strategies by which citizens can mitigate these forces without dampening their political commitments. As it turns out, the same forces that lead us to scorn our opponents can also undermine and fracture our political alliances. If we are concerned to further justice, we need to uphold civil relations with our opponents, even when we despise their political views. If we want to preserve our political friendships, we must sustain democracy with our foes.


Author(s):  
Paul Spicker

The model of civic republicanism is associated with a range of principles: a concept of the common good, citizenship, a presumption of civic virtue and freedom. The idea of radical democracy is strongly associated with a sense of active citizenship, engagement in a political community and collective action. At times, however, it tips into populism, which claims to pit a virtuous people against a corrupt elite, but risks bringing radical democracy into disrepute.


2001 ◽  
Vol 86 (07) ◽  
pp. 259-265 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Leavitt ◽  
Sanford Shattil

SummaryIntegrin αIIbβ3 mediates key platelet adhesive responses during hemostasis and thrombosis. Adhesive ligand binding to αIIbβ3 is regulated by “inside-out” signals, while adhesion-dependent cytoskeletal events are regulated by “outside-in” signals from αIIbβ3. Currently, the molecular basis of bidirectional αIIbβ3 signaling is incompletely understood. The functional assessment of integrin signaling pathways in nucleated cells has been facilitated by techniques such as viral transduction which enable expression of dominant-active and dominant-inhibitory gene products. This approach cannot be used with anucleate platelets. However, recent advances in the ability to expand human and murine megakaryocytes from hematopoietic stem cells provide a tractable and genetically manipulatable system for studies of αIIbβ3 signaling. This overview will discuss some of the advantages and limitations of this approach and provide examples of its utility. Thus, in addition to their intrinsic value for understanding hematopoiesis and platelet formation, primary megakaryocytes represent a model system complementary to platelets for unraveling the remaining mysteries of αIIbβ3 signaling.


2009 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 111-145 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yann Algan ◽  
Pierre Cahuc

We argue civic virtue plays a key role in explaining the design of public insurance against unemployment risks by solving moral hazard issues which hinder the efficiency of unemployment insurance. We show, in a simple model, that economies with stronger civic virtues are more prone to provide insurance through unemployment benefits rather than through job protection. We provide cross-country empirical evidence of a strong correlation between civic attitudes and the design of unemployment benefits and employment protection in OECD countries over the period 1980 to 2003. We then use an epidemiological approach to estimate the existence of a potential causal relationship from inherited civic virtue to labor market insurance institutions. (JEL: J41, J65, J68, Z13)


Author(s):  
Malin Sveningsson

Western democracies have seen a decrease in political participation, with young people singled out as the most problematic group. But young people are also the most avid users of online media. It has therefore been argued that online media could be used to evoke their interest in politics, and thus contribute to the reinvigoration of democratic citizenship. Using a mixed qualitative methods approach, this article takes a closer look at 26 young Swedes’ experiences and understandings of social media, especially Twitter and Facebook, as used for political discussions. Compared to the average Swedish 17 to 18-year-olds, the participants are relatively interested in civic and political questions. By focusing on this segment, the article mirrors the experiences of an understudied group – young people who are interested in politics but not engaged. The participants were skeptical about social media as used in relation to politics, and expressed doubts about their suitability and usefulness. Four themes were identified, where three have to do with perceived risks: for conflict, misunderstandings and deceit. The participants also expressed the idea of online political activities as being less authentic than their offline equivalents. The idea that young people want and expect something that political organizations cannot live up to is one of the most dominant discourses that characterize the discussion on youth political participation today. However, while some properties of social media fit well into what young people have been found to prefer, for the participants, negative traits seem to outweigh the positive ones, thus discouraging them from participating.


2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 35-41
Author(s):  
Elyta ◽  
Zulkarnaen

The community Borders the District of Sajingan not been enthusiastic in carry out elections of representatives Sambas Regency Area by 2014 as evidenced by the large number of difference in amount between the number of voters and the number of users voting rights in funneling his voice, even though the user voting rights in the total number of valid votes is very significant. The results showed that there are forms of political participation of border communities large and Sajingan two factors that lead to political participation that is an inhibitor of factor and the driving factor. Forms of political participation of the community in a big electoral exercise Sajingan Representatives Sambas County Area in 2014 including on election activities of the group, who only donate votes to tally election results. Restricting factors in political participation are (1) the bustle of daily activity most workers so prefer not to be involved in the implementation of the regional House of representatives election District of Sambas; 2) prohibition of the family at the request of participating families to give voting rights during the elections of representatives Sambas Regency Area. While the supporting factor of political participation is (1) a sense of wanting the public to be aware of the level of performance and commitment of the winner of the elections of the regional House of representatives elected later; 2) political consciousness of the voters who feel obliged in the launch of the implementation of the regional House of representatives election District of Sambas since it concerns the survival of the future.


1996 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. v-vi
Author(s):  
Hibba Abugideiri

With this issue of AJISS, we bring this volume to a close. This year hasbrought many changes to AJISS, not only in the scope of Islamic issueshighlighted within the articles, but also in the range of opinions articulatedby their authors. As a fourm for intellectual debates on issues relating toIslam, MISS strives to “push the intellectual envelope” of Islamic thought.No subject matter better reflects this attempt than the issue of women,which many articles in this issue analyze.In her article “Oikos/polis Conflict: Perspectives of Gender Feministsand Islamic Revivalists,” Zeenath Kausar examines the continuing debateon women’s political participation in order to demonstrate “how genderfeminists prefer women’s political participation at the cost of deconstructinggender and family, whereas contemporary Islamic revivalists “supportand encourage women’s political participation-but not at the expense offamily and the distinct identity of women.” After a brief survey of feministphilosophy and Muslim revivalist discourse, Kausar concludes that genderfeminists create an atmosphere of conflict between men and women, whileMuslim revivalists look at men and women as copartners in constructingcivilization.In questioning exactly this notion of copartnership between men andwomen, Hibba Abugideiri undertakes, in her “Allegorical Gender: TheFigure of Eve Revisited,” a discourse analysis of classical Islamic texts inorder to uncover how gender categories were constructed by classicalexegetes. By focusing on the figure of Eve, which “has not only definedthe identity of Muslim woman: it has also set the parameters for how thatidentity has been forged,” she questions the authoritative value and relevanceof the classical view of Eve for contemporary social demands.Underlying her Qur’anic rereading of Eve’s role in the parable of creationlies the goal of forging a new methodological approach to Islamic issuesthat need to be redressed, particularly in light of the current wave ofIslamic revivalism.Finally, in her review essay “Muslim Women’s Studies: Two Contributions,”Mohja Kahf engages in a critical analysis of two gender historiesthat interface nicely with Abugideiri’s study. Here, Kahf reviews two foraysinto the field of Muslim women’s studies that uncover the place of ...


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