World order and US role will endure, for now

Significance Trump’s vision of world order challenges the post-war consensus of US leadership across the post-1945 multilateral global institutions, of which the UN is one. Trump favours more limited multilateralism and greater nation state-based sovereignty, with a preference for bilateralism. Impacts Partnerships with Washington will be transactional and warmer in some policy areas than others at any given time. America First will not affect all international bodies equally; Trump has been less critical of world financial bodies. America First thinking will determine US preparedness to intervene globally, such as over environmental controls.

Author(s):  
Or Rosenboim

This chapter examines perceptions of the state in a global context, arguing that the emergence of globalism encouraged mid-century thinkers to reimagine—but not abandon—the nation-state. In particular, it considers Raymond Aron’s proposals to reinterpret the political space of the nation-state in the post-war era and how the war experience formed his conceptualization of international relations. While the state remained for Aron the main bastion of individual liberty, he acknowledged its conceptual and structural insufficiency in the age of globalism. Aron’s interpretation of political ideologies in conversation with the sociologist Karl Mannheim and the philosopher Jacques Maritain led to the development of his loose and pluralistic vision of European unity held together by “political myth.” The chapter also compares Aron’s vision of world order with that of David Mitrany.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 52-79
Author(s):  
V. T. Yungblud

The Yalta-Potsdam system of international relations, established by culmination of World War II, was created to maintain the security and cooperation of states in the post-war world. Leaders of the Big Three, who ensured the Victory over the fascist-militarist bloc in 1945, made decisive contribution to its creation. This system cemented the world order during the Cold War years until the collapse of the USSR in 1991 and the destruction of the bipolar structure of the organization of international relations. Post-Cold War changes stimulated the search for new structures of the international order. Article purpose is to characterize circumstances of foundations formation of postwar world and to show how the historical decisions made by the leaders of the anti-Hitler coalition powers in 1945 are projected onto modern political processes. Study focuses on interrelated questions: what was the post-war world order and how integral it was? How did the political decisions of 1945 affect the origins of the Cold War? Does the American-centrist international order, that prevailed at the end of the 20th century, genetically linked to the Atlantic Charter and the goals of the anti- Hitler coalition in the war, have a future?Many elements of the Yalta-Potsdam system of international relations in the 1990s survived and proved their viability. The end of the Cold War and globalization created conditions for widespread democracy in the world. The liberal system of international relations, which expanded in the late XX - early XXI century, is currently experiencing a crisis. It will be necessary to strengthen existing international institutions that ensure stability and security, primarily to create barriers to the spread of national egoism, radicalism and international terrorism, for have a chance to continue the liberal principles based world order (not necessarily within a unipolar system). Prerequisite for promoting idea of a liberal system of international relations is the adjustment of liberalism as such, refusal to unilaterally impose its principles on peoples with a different set of values. This will also require that all main participants in modern in-ternational life be able to develop a unilateral agenda for common problems and interstate relations, interact in a dialogue mode, delving into the arguments of opponents and taking into account their vital interests.


Author(s):  
Talbot C. Imlay

In examining the efforts of European socialists to forge a common position towards the issue of post-war empires, this chapter highlights some of the political stakes involved in decolonization. As debates between European and Asian socialists suggest, the process of decolonization witnessed a struggle between competing rights: national rights, minority rights, and human (individual) rights. Each set of rights possessed far-reaching political implications, none more so than minority rights, as they were often associated with limits on national sovereignty. These limits could be internal, such as constitutional restraints on the working of majority rule; but they could also take the form of external constraints on sovereignty, including alternatives to the nation state itself. The victory of the nation state, in other words, was inextricably tied to the defeat of minority rights as well as the growing predominance of human rights.


2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 283-299 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexander Styhre

Purpose The economic system of competitive capitalism strives toward liquid markets wherein the cost for transacting is minimized. Liquidity is mostly addressed in association with abstract markets (e.g. the securities market), but also consumer markets are determined by liquidity concerns. The purpose of this paper is to examine the shopping mall concept, developed by the architect and social reformer Victor Gruen during the early 1950s, as a form of production of capitalist space, intended to reduce transaction costs. As an auxiliary benefit, Gruen envisioned the shopping mall as a cultural and civic center in the midst of the satellite town of suburbia, the new site of urban expansion during the post-war boom decades. Design/methodology/approach The paper reviews secondary literature on the historical development of the shopping mall as a consumer space. In addition, relevant economic and social science literature is referenced. Findings The architecture, design, ornamentation and day-to-day management of the shopping mall were premised on a consumerist way of life, ultimately serving as an all-too-visual index of the triumph of competitive capitalism in the cold war era. However, Gruen’s accomplishments were gradually compromised by the interest of money-minded developers and construction industry actors, and the shopping mall arguably never fulfilled the social and cultural function that Gruen anticipated. Regardless of such outcomes, the production of capitalist space as scripted by Gruen is still determining everyday life in consumer society, making Gruen a key figure, albeit only limitedly recognized, in the history of late modern society and in the capitalist economy. Originality/value The paper emphasizes the role of Victor Gruen in the post-Second World War period, being one of the most influential practitioners and social reformers in the era. Furthermore, the paper stresses how market liquidity is a key concern in Gruen’s project to create a communal space for the American suburban population in the era of the expanding welfare state.


2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 134-154 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yousef Mohamed Endara ◽  
Asbi B. Ali ◽  
Mohd Shukri Ab Yajid

PurposeConsidering the importance of current Libyan business environment, this paper aims to understand the influence of culture on perceived service quality that leads to customer satisfaction in the Libyan banking industry. In addition, it would be interesting to explore which type of banks, e.g. public or private banks, moderate the relationship between perceived service quality and customer satisfaction.Design/methodology/approachThe data were collected from the customers who are receiving services from the top three private and top three public banks in the cities of Tripoli and Misurata, Libya. About 329 samples were obtained and Smart PLS was used for the statistical analysis.FindingsThe results show that perceived service quality is strongly predicted by collectivism, masculinity and uncertainty avoidance. Perceived service quality also leads to customer satisfaction among the Libyan banking customers. Further, public bank is more concerned on customer satisfaction compared to private banks.Practical implicationThe research has greater implication for the Middle-Eastern bank managers who are pursuing possibilities of newer business strategies.OriginalityThe study provides an interesting viewpoint of the banking service in Libya, especially in the economic uncertainty post-war and political instability. Its focus on culture as a strong influence to the delivery of service quality in such context is admirable especially in relation with the embedded Islamic culture.


Refuge ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-6 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dawn Chatty

Settled people have been forced to move and nomads have been coerced into settling for as long as there has been history. Until the emergence of the Westphalian concept of the nation (where the state corresponded to the nation, groups of people united by language and culture), movement and mobility were largely recognized and accommodated. However, most contemporary academic disciplines as well as public institutions adopt a particular sedentist perspective on the nation-state. It is commonly recognized that people are displaced and move when political states collapse; they return when political security is restored. The liminal “state” outside the defined territory of the nation-state, where the displaced are found, is regarded as a threat to the world order.1 Predominant theory has been that people must be tied to territory, and thus the durable policy solutions advanced are frequently about resettlement. Reality does not support either current forced migration theory or humanitarian aid practices, however, and an epistemological change in thinking about forced migrants is urgently required. This means looking beyond the nationstate— the purview of most academic work in this area— and beyond traditional barriers between disciplines, to give cross-disciplinary attention to the self-expressions and experiences of forced migrants. Furthermore, the forced migrant creates a dilemma in how aesthetic expression is displayed, as their forms of expression cannot be squarely identified with one state or another. The dispossessed and displaced are changed by their experiences in the grey zones between states, and their migrations cannot be neatly catalogued as belonging to one state or culture.


Author(s):  
Olga I. Aganson ◽  

The research analyzes Britain’s approaches to the post-war arrangement of the political space of Southeastern Europe at the final stage of World War II. In an effort to maintain its status as a global power, Great Britain took an active part in developing the foundations of a new world order. British strategic planning paid special attention to the Balkan region, where British interests traditionally clashed with the Russian/Soviet ones. The author tries to trace the elements of continuity and variability in British policy in the Balkans. This will enable us to get a more nuanced understanding of the new balance of forces in the region, one of the main manifestations of which was the extinction of the «Balkan polyphony».


2010 ◽  
Vol 9 (5) ◽  
pp. 611-630
Author(s):  
Jonathan White

AbstractI examine responses to norm indeterminacy in the transnational context, focusing on regional integration in post-War Europe. I argue that the development of the European Union has been facilitated by the use of a legitimizing device whereby policy decisions at a European level are cast as beyond the scope of reasonable political disagreement and therefore distinct from the conditions which make democracy a desirable political form at the national level. This rejection of the political significance of norm indeterminacy has led to a widely diagnosed trend of “depoliticization” in European politics. The paper examines how best to understand this trend, and explores how an adapted account of “enlightened localism” might offer better ways of coping with indeterminate norms.


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 81-97 ◽  
Author(s):  
Seyed Mehdi Mirisaee ◽  
Yahaya Ahmad

Purpose Tourism development has been perceived as a promoter of city restoration and can also affect the post-war city reconstruction. Questions on how to reconstruct ruined buildings and urban areas through a post-war tourism-oriented approach based on the expectations of residents and tourists profound answers. The purpose of this paper is to adopt the sequential mixed method (qualitative and quantitative) with purposive sampling which is a non-probability method to investigate tourism-oriented approaches in the reconstruction of buildings and landmarks as the core components of urban tourism. Design/methodology/approach The study adopted the sequential mixed method (qualitative and quantitative) to investigate tourism-oriented approaches in the reconstruction of buildings and landmarks as the core components of urban tourism. Findings The findings of the study point that the preferred strategy for the reconstruction of damaged symbolic building is the preservation of the war effects in regard maintaining the buildings’ history to be considered by urban policy makers, urban designers, and authorities. Research limitations/implications The constraint was associated with the time-consuming nature of this type of research. Original documents of the research context and all the interview data were in the Persian language, making the translating process a time-consuming matter. Furthermore, data collection in the area located near the Iran-Iraq border (500 meters) presented a number of security caveats as limitations. Originality/value The research found a majority of tourists and the residents preferred tourism zone where the combination of post-war and natural attraction across riverside area. In other word, most considerable post-war attractions are those that combined with the appeal of the other tourism potentials like eco-leisure tourism. The preferred strategy for the reconstruction of damaged building reconstruction as post-war tourism attractions is the preservation of the war effects in regard maintaining the buildings history rather than reconstruction as the most likely to pre-war conditions with less attention paid to the war effects.


Author(s):  
Mona Hassan

This chapter analyzes the vibrant discussions of the early twentieth century over how to revive a caliphate best suited to the post-war era. While some advocated preservation of a traditional caliphal figurehead, many Muslim intellectuals were greatly persuaded by new models of internationalism embracing the nation-state and proposed international caliphal councils and organizations, similar to the League of Nations, or other purportedly spiritual institutions, similar to the refashioned papacy, to preserve the bonds of a transregional religious community. To varying degrees, all the participants in the debate over reviving a twentieth-century caliphate were influenced by an intriguing confluence of both the historic transregionalism of the Muslim community as well as the modern thrust of the new age of global internationalism.


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