scholarly journals SEPAK TERJANG SARWO EDHIE WIBOWO DALAM MENJAGA STABILITAS KEAMANAN NASIONAL INDONESIA (1965-1989)

Author(s):  
Acep Nurodin ◽  
Didin Saripudin ◽  
Moch Eryk Kamsori

This research entitled “The Action of Sarwo Edhie Wibowo in Maintaining Stability of Indonesia National Security (1965-1989)”. The Main problem in this research is “How was Sarwo Edhie Wibowo’s Action in Maintaining Indonesian National Security (1965-1989)”. The Research methodology used in this research is historical method through many steps such as heuristic, source criticism, interpretation and historiography. The researcher used interdisciplinary approaches through sociology and politic study. Sarwo Edhie Wibowo’s position as Commander of The Command of The Army Regiment (RPKAD) was most attracted era. Based on the command of PANGKOSTRAD Major General Soeharto, Sarwo Edhie succeeded to overcome coup of 30th September Movement. Entering New Order era, Sarwo Edhie officiated as Pangdam II/Bukit Barisan and helped in PNI stopping operation in North Andalas and then became Pangdam XVII/Cendrawasih. As Pangdam XVII/Cendrawasih, Sarwo Edhie had a role in succeeding PEPERA execution. In the end of his career, Sarwo Edhie became Governor of AKABRI, ambassador in South Korea, Head of BP7, and last as member of DPR/MPR. Until the end, he was retired and passed away at 10th November 1989.

Author(s):  
Acep Nurodin ◽  
Didin Saripudin ◽  
Moch Eryk Kamsori

This research entitled “The Action of Sarwo Edhie Wibowo in Maintaining Stability of Indonesia National Security (1965-1989)”. The Main problem in this research is “How was Sarwo Edhie Wibowo’s Action in Maintaining Indonesian National Security (1965-1989)”. The Research methodology used in this research is historical method through many steps such as heuristic, source criticism, interpretation and historiography. The researcher used interdisciplinary approaches through sociology and politic study. Sarwo Edhie Wibowo’s position as Commander of The Command of The Army Regiment (RPKAD) was most attracted era. Based on the command of PANGKOSTRAD Major General Soeharto, Sarwo Edhie succeeded to overcome coup of 30th September Movement. Entering New Order era, Sarwo Edhie officiated as Pangdam II/Bukit Barisan and helped in PNI stopping operation in North Andalas and then became Pangdam XVII/Cendrawasih. As Pangdam XVII/Cendrawasih, Sarwo Edhie had a role in succeeding PEPERA execution. In the end of his career, Sarwo Edhie became Governor of AKABRI, ambassador in South Korea, Head of BP7, and last as member of DPR/MPR. Until the end, he was retired and passed away at 10th November 1989.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-59
Author(s):  
Uun Lionar ◽  
Ridho Bayu Yefterson ◽  
Hendra Naldi

Abstrak: Ditetapkan sebagai Pahlawan Nasional oleh Presiden Soekarno di tahun 1963, Tan Malaka hingga saat ini masih menjadi pahlawan yang “redup”. Keterlibatannya dalam tubuh Partai Komunis Indonesia (PKI) di masa Hindia Belanda telah menempatkan Tan Malaka pada posisi sulit, mengingat keberadaan PKI yang telah mengukir sejarah kelam di era kemerdekaan. Padahal, jika memperhatikan ide dan gagasan Tan Malaka yang tertuang dalam banyak karyanya, maka selayaknya ia dijuluki sebagai Bapak Republik. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menelaah kiprah Tan Malaka dalam pergerakan nasional dah mengekplorasi titik kontroversi Tan Malaka. Metode dalam penelitian ini menggunakan metode sejarah yang terdiri dari tahap heuristik, kritik sumber, interpretasi, dan historiografi. Temuan penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa titik kontroversial Tan Malaka terletak pada keterlibatannya di tubuh PKI masa Hindia Belanda, namun demikian Tan Malaka adalah seorang nasionalis yang konsisten memperjuangkan cita-cita kemerdekaan Indonesia melalui ideologi yang diyakininya. Adanya larangan ajaran Marxisme-Komunisme pasca pemberontakan PKI di tahun 1965 membuat Tan Malaka semakin terpinggirkan sebagai pahlawan nasional, selama Orde Baru namanya tidak terdapat dalam buku-buku pelajaran di sekolah maupun dalam Album Pahlawan Nasional, hal ini menjadi kontroversi atas keterlibatnnya di tubuh PKI. Namun, Era Reformasi menunjukkan sebuah kemajuan, buku-buku karangan Tan Malaka kembali dicetak dan banyak ilmuan mulai serius menyelami sosok Tan Malaka, terutama berkenaan dengan pemikiran dan gagasannya.Kata Kunci: Tan Malaka, Kontroversi, RevolusiAbstract: Defined as a National Hero by President Soekarno in 1963, Tan Malaka is still a "dim" hero. His involvement in the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) during the Dutch East Indies had put Tan Malaka in a difficult position, given the existence of the PKI which had carved a dark history in the era of independence. In fact, if you pay attention to Tan Malaka's ideas and ideas contained in many of his works, then he should be called the Father of the Republic. This research aims to examine Tan Malaka's progress in the national movement and to explore the points of controversy of Tan Malaka. The method in this study uses the historical method which consists of 4 (four) stages, namely hauristics, source criticism, interpretation, and historiography. The findings of this study indicate that Tan Malaka's controversial point lies in his involvement in the PKI during the Dutch East Indies, however, Tan Malaka was a nationalist who consistently fought for the ideals of Indonesian independence through the ideology he believed in. The prohibition against the teachings of Marxism-Communism after the PKI rebellion in 1965 made Tan Malaka even more marginalized as a national hero, during the New Order his name was not included in school textbooks or in the National Hero Album, this became a controversy over his involvement in the PKI. However, the Reformation Era showed progress, Tan Malaka's books were again printed and many scientists began to seriously delve into the figure of Tan Malaka, especially with regard to his thoughts and ideas.Keywords: Tan Malaka, Controversy, Revolution 


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 15
Author(s):  
Chris I. Nwagboso

This paper examines the various internal security challenges confronting Nigeria in the 21st century. The paper adopts historical method and content analysis to investigate how the abysmal failure of the poorly formulated and ineffectively implemented National Security Policy has hitherto exacerbated internal security challenges in Nigeria. The paper further attempts a critical review of major internal security challenges hitherto confronting the country; such as the Niger Delta crises, kidnapping in the South-East geo-political zone, Jos crises, Boko Haram crises and crises by Fulani Herdsmen in the Northern part of Nigeria. The result of the analysis shows that these internal security challenges have not only been difficult to address by the National Security Policy, but have also impacted negatively on the country's desired socio-economic development in the 21st century. The paper, therefore, recommends among others, the need for a careful review of the Nigeria's National Security Policy that will not only be integrative/comprehensive in outlook, but will also take cognizance of some domestic factors that are currently responsible for internal security problems in the country; such as unemployment, inequality, poverty, fraudulent electoral process, corruption, skewed federalism, porous nature of the Nigeria’s borders, sabotage among politicalelites, bad governance, religious intolerance, citizen-settler controversies, among others.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 159-174
Author(s):  
Farhan Nugraha ◽  
Muhammad Fakhruddin ◽  
Humaidi Humaidi

Abstrak: Nahdlatul Ulama merupakan salah satu organisasi Islam terbesar di Indonesia. Organisasi ini lahir tentu dari para tokoh-tokoh besar yang menggawanginya, salah satunya Mahbud Djunaidi. Kemampuan politiknya diperoleh dari berbagai pengalaman organisasi dan kemampuan dalam kepenulisan. Adapun permasalahan yang diangkat dalam penelitian ini yaitu bagaimana riwayat politik Mahbub Djunaidi sebagai aktivis politik Nahdlatul Ulama pada tahun 1960-1987. Berdasarkan permasalahan tersebut penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menguraikan perjalanan politik Mahbub Djunaidi (1960-1987). Berdasarkan permasalahan dan tujuan penelitian tersebut, maka metode yang digunakan adalah metode historis yang terdiri dari tahap heuristik, kritik sumber, interpretasi dan historiografi. Hasil dari penelitian menunjukkan bahwa Mahbub Djunaidi memiliki konsep khittah plus. Demokrasi politik ala Mahbub Djunaidi adalah cita-cita demokrasi yang diperjuangkan melalui garis politik.Kata Kunci: Mahbub Djunaidi, Demokrasi Politik, Nahdlatul Ulama.Abstract: Nahdlatul Ulama is one of the largest Islamic organizations in Indonesia. This organization was born of course from the big figures who oversee it, one of them Mahbud Djunaidi. His political abilities are obtained from various organizational experiences and abilities in writing. The problem raised in this research is how the political history of Mahbub Djunaidi as a political activist of Nahdlatul Ulama in 1960-1987. Based on these problems, this study aims to describe the political journey of Mahbub Djunaidi (1960-1987). Based on the problems and objectives of the research, the method used is the historical method which consists of heuristics, source criticism, interpretation and historiography stages. The results of the study show that Mahbub Djunaidi has the concept of khittah plus. Political democracy in the style of Mahbub Djunaidi is the ideal of democracy which is fought for through political lines. Keywords: Mahbub Djunaidi, Political Democracy, Nahdlatul Ulama.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 143-158
Author(s):  
Mohamad Wildan Syamsu Dluha

Abstrak: Filsafat merupakan sebuah ilmu yang sering kita dengar dan merupakan salah satu ilmu yang paling dasar dalam kehidupan. Filsafat adalah seni bertanya terhadap sesuatu di dalam hidup. Pertanyaan yang diajukan oleh filsafat itu unik karena tujuannya tidak untuk mendapat jawaban tetapi untuk dapat digali lagi pertanyaan lain dari persoalan yang ditanyakan. Pemikiran filsafat beragam salah satunya adalah Filsafat Dialektika yang dicetuskan oleh Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode historis yang terdiri dari tahapan heuristik, kritik sumber, interpretasi dan historiografi. Hasil penelitan menunjukkan bahwa perstiwa Perang Diponegoro memiliki relevansi dengan filsafat dialektika Hegel. Hal ini tercermin dari adanya unsur tesis, sintesis dan antitesi dalam peristiwa tersebut. Kepentingan yang diterapkan Belanda menimbulkan perlawanan kerajaan. Perlawanan tersebut merupakan respon rakyat terhadap kebijakan yang tidak tepat. Kondisi tersebut disebut tesis. Konflik ini melahirkan pula taktik strategi perlawanan yang kemudian disebut antitesis.Kata Kunci: Filsafat, Dialektika, Hegel, Perang Diponegoro.Abstract: Philosophy is a science that we often hear and is one of the most basic sciences in life. Philosophy is the art of asking questions in life. The question posed by philosophy is unique because the aim is not to get an answer but to be able to explore other questions from the problem being asked. Various philosophical thoughts, one of which is the Dialectical Philosophy which was initiated by Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel. This study uses a historical method consisting of heuristic stages, source criticism, interpretation and historiography. The results of the research show that the events of the Diponegoro War have relevance to Hegel's dialectical philosophy. This is reflected in the existence of thesis, synthesis and antithesis elements in the event. The interests of the Dutch led to royal resistance. The resistance is the people's response to inappropriate policies. This condition is called a thesis. This conflict also gave birth to a strategy of resistance tactics which was later called antithesis. KataKeywords: Philosophy, Dialectics, Hegel, Diponegoro War.


Author(s):  
Bukhari Bukhari ◽  
Madhan Anis ◽  
Ramazan Ramazan

Cultural heritage objects are evidence of historical heritage that is very useful in life, cultural heritage is also useful as a means of education as well as a historical tourism destination for the community. The purpose of this research is to find out historical heritage buildings in Langsa City, then to map the historical heritage buildings to be used as sources of information.The method in this study uses a historical method with stages namely the heuristic stage, the source criticism stage, the interpretation stage and the historiography stage. The result of the research is that there are five historical heritage buildings in Langsa City that have been designated as a Cultural Heritage with the Letter of the Mayor of Langsa in 2016. Then the mapping is carried out on the historical heritage which has been used as a source of information that is very helpful for local, regional, national and foreign tourists who visit Langsa City.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-30
Author(s):  
Nisa Rizkiah ◽  
Andi Suwirta ◽  
Encep Supriatna

ABSTRAKSI: Pers mahasiswa menjadi media alternatif pada masa pemerintahan Orde Baru (1966-1998). Pers mahasiswa mampu dan berani melakukan kritik terhadap pemerintah melalui tulisan dalam media yang diterbitkannya. Dengan menggunakan metode historis, hasil penelitian menunjukan bahwa pers mahasiswa Indonesia, pada periode tahun 1990-an, mulai menunjukan kembali jatidiri dan perannya. “Isola Pos” di Bandung lebih menitikberatkan pemberitaan pada isu-isu besar pendidikan, hal ini karena pendidikan harus dikelola secara benar, jangan dipolitisir, dan harus sesuai dengan cita-cita para pendiri negara-bangsa. Sedangkan “Balairung” di Yogyakarta lebih dominan pada isu-isu politik, karena ianya merupakan langkah untuk melakukan perubahan dalam konteks sosial-politik sebuah negara-bangsa. Meskipun dari segmentasi berita yang diambil berbeda, namun ada benang merah di antara keduanya, yakni sama-sama memiliki tujuan untuk perubahan Indonesia ke arah yang lebih baik, serta melakukan perlawanan terhadap suatu rezim yang dianggap menyimpang dari kebijakan dan cita-cita bersama.KATA KUNCI: Pers Mahasiswa; Pendidikan; Politik; Pemerintah Orde Baru; Kritik Sosial. ABSTRACT: “Students’ Voice of Two Cities: Comparison on Views of Isola Pos in Bandung and Balairung in Yogyakarta toward Political Issues in Indonesia, 1991-1998”. The student’s press was an alternative media during the New Order government (1966-1998). The student’s press was capable and daring to criticize the government through the publication of articles in the media. By using the historical method, this study shows that student press in the period of 1990s, began showed again its identities and roles. The “Isola Pos” in Bandung was choosing more dominant on educational issues, due to that education must be managed properly, not be politicized, and must accordance with the ideals of nation-states’ founders. While “Balairung” in Yogyakarta was more dominant in political issues, due to it was as a step to make changes in the socio-political context. Although the news taken from different segments, but there are the common substances between them, namely they have a goal to change Indonesia into a better direction and the resistance to a regime that is wrong in policy and common ideals.KEY WORD: Student Press; Education; Politics; New Order Government; Social Critics.     About the Authors: Nisa Rizkiah, S.Pd. adalah Alumni Departemen Pendidikan Sejarah FPIPS UPI (Fakultas Pendidikan Ilmu Pengetahuan Sosial, Universitas Pendidikan Indonesia) di Bandung. Andi Suwirta, M.Hum. dan Dr. Encep Supriatna adalah Dosen di Departemen Pendidikan Sejarah FPIPS UPI di Bandung, Jawa Barat, Indonesia. Penulis bisa dihubungi melalui emel di: [email protected] Citation: Rizkiah, Nisa, Andi Suwirta Encep Supriatna. (2018). “Suara Mahasiswa dari Dua Kota: Perbandingan Pandangan Isola Pos di Bandung dan Balairung di Yogyakarta terhadap Isu Politik di Indonesia, 1991-1998” in MIMBAR PENDIDIKAN: Jurnal Indonesia untuk Kajian Pendidikan, Volume 3(1), Maret, pp.11-30. Bandung, Indonesia: UPI [Indonesia University of Education] Press, ISSN 2527-3868 (print) and 2503-457X (online). Chronicle of the article: Accepted (January 15, 2018); Revised (February 17, 2018); and Published (March 30, 2018).


Author(s):  
Tetiana Vlasova ◽  
◽  
Olha Vlasova ◽  
Larysa Martseniuk

Among the diverse methodological approaches that are currently represented in the postmodern studies, the one, which dominates nowadays, is the statement that there cannot be any methodology in postmodernism per se otherwise it would be a “relapse” into constructing one more “universalizing method”. Evidently, this assertion is stipulated by the highly pluralized context of the postmodern “normalization of change”, the transformations of the socio- cultural order in accordance with the postparadigmatic shift of the theory. Postmodern researchers both implicitly and explicitly state that the only way to “manage” the increasing pluralism and diversity is unmasking prior modernist ideas and ideals in the individual and general meanings of the human experience. On the other hand, the postmodern methodological “openness” encourages academic ambivalence, which results in the denial of the universal notions and absolute moral values. With the apparent postmodernist accent on the interdisciplinary approaches, the “scientific conditions” have become even more complicated: nowadays philosophy, history, theology, gender studies, arts are being connected with biology, genetics, cybernetics, economics, etc. As one of the main components of the postmodern intertextual analysis the historical method is vividly represented both in the western feminist theory and in the eastern post-colonial criticism, poetics of fiction and cultural studies. All mentioned above, appearing in the pluralized modes, occasion the turn into considering interdisciplinary techniques more scrupulously. The objective of this research is to reconstruct conceptually the comparative-historical methodology in the theoretical field of the postmodern humanities with the focus on the specific character of the interpretation of history in the cultural texts. The main thesis of the research reflects the reconstruction of the historical methods as an important systematic and meaning-conscious component in postmodern theoretical studies. The research proves that nowadays historical approaches are significant and valid because they locate certain techniques into the contemporary scholarly work in order to properly utilize the sources and pieces of evidence in writing “history”. The value of the comparative-historical method is also based on the fact that it proposes some models and patterns in dealing with the analysis of the particular theory in interdisciplinary studies. The historical narrative with its objective to tell the “truth” cannot be reflected according to some simple schemes, without taking into account the “hardcore” role of the context in the hermeneutic reading of history. Though there is a view that historiography is located “between” modernity and postmodernity, the articulated point of view is that postmodernism, being a theoretical cluster of historical disruption and “brokenness”, in fact, cannot reject the tradition of historicism in the humanitarian studies.


Significance South Korea’s unification minister (MOU) warned on April 10 that any US strike on North Korea would put “the safety of the public” at risk. A day later, Seoul’s defence (MND) and foreign (MFA) ministries dismissed rumours on local social media of an imminent war crisis as “overblown” and “groundless”, respectively. Moon Jae-in, the liberal opposition candidate whom most polls predict will win the May 9 snap presidential election, said he does not expect a US pre-emptive strike on the North. However, Moon also warned Washington that South Korea is “the concerned party” which “owns” peninsula-related matters, including the nuclear issue. Impacts Experienced military professionals in Trump’s cabinet and National Security Council are a restraining influence. South Korea and Japan, being in the front line, will counsel their US protector against any action that might imperil their security. If Moon Jae-in is elected, his desire to re-engage the North will clash with Trump’s hard-line attitude and narrow nuclear focus. After his smooth -- if insubstantial -- summit with Xi, Trump’s threatened unilateralism on North Korea is likely to stop at sanctions.


Tsaqofah ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (02) ◽  
pp. 113
Author(s):  
Ryas Basmala

This study explains how the Chinese in Surakarta have established themselves to convert to Islam. While in other big cities there are already associations to accommodate Chinese Moslem people, but in Surakarta, which is a big city, there is no forum to gather these people. This study uses four main steps of the historical method, namely: (1) heuristics, (2) source criticism, (3) interpretation, and (4) historiography. The result of this research is that the Chinese descent converted to Islam due to three reasons, the first is because of marriage, the second is guidance, and the third is because they follow the religion of their parents or are Muslim since birth. Although there is no PITI (Indonesian Chinese Islamic Association) in Surakarta, in Surakarta there is an organization called Mualaf Center Soloraya, this organization can be used to add Islamic insight to people who have converted to Islam.


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