scholarly journals PRAKTIK POLITIK DALAM SEJARAH ISLAM ERA DINASTI-DINASTI ISLAM

Author(s):  
Nurfazillah

This article focuses discussion on the political practices of the three great dynastic eras in Islamic history. The purpose of this paper is to describe how political practice during the Islamic dynasties in Islamic history. The problems that want to be answered in this paper is: how political practices in that era were carried out for Umaiyah, Abbasid, and the Turkish Ottoman dynasty. This journal using qualitative-descriptive methods as a literature research. Based on the results of the study it is found that the political practices in these three dynastic eras were not entirely the same. Even though, they were led by a caliph but in case they have different political practices. For example: the Umaiyyah dynasty in the political practice of its government was assisted by diwan. The Abbasid dynasty was guarded by a hajib. There are also wazir and katib as assistants to the caliph in running the wheels of government. And then, the Turkish Ottoman dynasty formed the assembly of syura (mesrevet), mufti and qadhi as his servants.

2003 ◽  
Vol 29 (S1) ◽  
pp. 199-221 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karena Shaw

We find ourselves amidst an explosion of literature about how our worlds are being fundamentally changed (or not) through processes that have come to be clumped under the vague title of ‘globalisation’. As we wander our way through this literature, we might find ourselves – with others – feeling perplexed and anxious about the loss of a clear sense of what politics is, where it happens, what it is about, and what we need to know to understand and engage in it. This in turn leads many of us to contribute to a slightly smaller literature, such as this Special Issue, seeking to theorise how the space and character of politics might be changing, and how we might adapt our research strategies to accommodate these changes and maintain the confidence that we, and the disciplines we contribute to, still have relevant things to say about international politics. While this is not a difficult thing to claim, and it is not difficult to find others to reassure us that it is true, I want to suggest here that it is worth lingering a little longer in our anxiety than might be comfortable. I suggest this because it seems to me that there is, or at least should be, more on the table than we're yet grappling with. In particular, I argue here that any attempt to theorise the political today needs to take into account not only that the character and space of politics are changing, but that the way we study or theorise it – not only the subjects of our study but the very kind of knowledge we produce, and for whom – may need to change as well. As many others have argued, the project of progressive politics these days is not especially clear. It no longer seems safe to assume, for example, that the capture of the state or the establishment of benign forms of global governance should be our primary object. However, just as the project of progressive politics is in question, so is the role of knowledge, and knowledge production, under contemporary circumstances. I think there are possibilities embedded in explicitly engaging these questions together that are far from realisation. There are also serious dangers in trying to separate them, or assume the one while engaging the other, however ‘obvious’ the answers to one or the other may appear to be. Simultaneous with theorising the political ‘out there’ in the international must be an engagement with the politics of theorising ‘in here,’ in academic contexts. My project here is to explore how this challenge might be taken up in the contemporary study of politics, particularly in relation to emerging forms of political practice, such as those developed by activists in a variety of contexts. My argument is for an approach to theorising the political that shifts the disciplinary assumptions about for what purpose and for whom we should we produce knowledge in contemporary times, through an emphasis on the strategic knowledges produced through political practice. Such an approach would potentially provide us with understandings of contemporary political institutions and practices that are both more incisive and more enabling than can be produced through more familiarly disciplined approaches.


2012 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 147-165
Author(s):  
Amanda Jeanne Swain

In the aftermath of the street demonstrations in Kaunas in May 1972, Communist Party leaders developed a narrative of the events that downplayed nationalism or political dissent as motivating factors for the unrest. Initially, Soviet authorities blamed marginal elements in society, specifically hooligans and hippies, for instigating what they called a ‘disturbance of public order’. However, the demographics of participants forced Party leaders to explain why young people who were students, workers and even Komsomol members would take to the streets shouting slogans such as ‘freedom for Lithuania’ and ‘freedom for hippies’. As a result, the Communist Party focused on the failure to inculcate Soviet youth with proper ideological values, making them susceptible to manipulation by ‘hostile elements’. In doing so, Party leaders were able to use the political practice of self-criticism to keep the events of May 1972 within acceptable ideological bounds. However, the recognition of its own weaknesses did not stop the Lithuanian Communist Party from blaming other groups, such as parents, schools and cultural organizations, for failing to provide a proper upbringing for Soviet Lithuanian youth. Although cultural and intellectual organizations were only one of the factors blamed for the political immaturity of youth and their susceptibility to corrupting influences, they were the ones to suffer the consequences of the Soviet authorities’ crackdown after the street demonstrations. Through a process of applying and discarding various discursive options, Lithuanian communist officials were able to use Soviet ideological narratives to protect themselves from criticism and to eliminate disruptive cultural and intellectual leaders in Kaunas.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 89
Author(s):  
Afita Nur Hayati

Direct election’s celebration of the head of the region at each steps in 2020 has been held at pandemic situation of covid-19.  The decision of KPUD Samarinda has final and the candidate number 2 has been sworn with length of service 2021-2024 periods.  The main question that will be asked is how is the candidate number 3 communicates the message they have to be interesting and positively so vote acquisition of the candidat number 3 can align with the candidat number 2 of vote’s acquisition whereas the political machine not so mature than the winner’s political machine. To answer this question, this article uses Analysis of Elaboration Likelihood Model (ELM) and using qualitative descriptive analysis with case study for detail and depth investigation of the candidate number 3 with tag line “Siap Dipilih Berani Ditagih.”  


Author(s):  
Joseba Agirreazkuenaga

In order to establish and consolidate the themes and ways of writing history, historians must be attentive to the global and local public agenda. Empowered lives - Resilient nations is a program for human development promoted by the UN. As long as there are local powers and local communities it will be necessary to carry out biographical-local research, analyzing these powers and communities in the past and present, establishing resilience patterns. We transform the historical research of the local past into global history. The personal and the political cannot be dissociated because “The personal is political and the political is personal”. Even eating is a political practice in today’s globalized world.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-62
Author(s):  
Khoirul Mushthofa Misyuniarto

This study examines the political communication strategy carried out by Kiai as a boarding school caretaker in the General Election. The purpose of this study is to describe the political communication strategy carried out by Kiai Syafik Rofi'i, caretaker of the Salafiyah Syafi'iyah Islamic Boarding School in Bangkalan Regency, East Java Province in the 2019 General Election. This study uses a qualitative descriptive method with a case study approach. The results showed that the political communication strategy being implemented was political negotiation among kiai in Islamic boarding schools in Bangkalan Regency. In addition, political communication uses the strategy of a campaign winning team or success team, and also uses the media as a channel for delivering messages to provide understanding and influence public opinion.


Author(s):  
Adolfo Ignacio Calderón ◽  
Donaldo Bello De Souza

Este artigo se pauta na análise dos resultados de algumas investigações teóricoempíricas sobre o funcionamento institucional e sociopolítico dos Conselhos Municipais de Educação (CMEs) nos estados de Santa Catarina e do Paraná, publicados no período 1996-2010. Em termos conclusivos, confirma a hipótese inicialmente formulada de que o pioneirismo político-institucional desses estados, nos anos 1980, veio a dar lugar, a partir da década de 1990, a uma prática política conservadora, de caráter hegemônico, acenando para certa inércia e instrumentalização dos CMEs pelo Executivo Local.Palavras-chave: Conselhos Municipais de Educação, Santa Catarina, ParanáThis paper is based on the analysis of the results of some theoretical-empirical research about the institutional and socio-political functioning of the Municipal Education Councils (CMEs) in the states of Santa Catarina and Paraná, published in the period 1996-2010. The article confirms the hypothesis initially formulated that the political-institutional pioneering of these states, in the 1980s, came to be replaced, from the 1990s, by a conservative political practice, whith hegemonic character, which indicates a certain inertia and instrumentalization of CMEs by the Local Executive.Keywords: Municipal Education Councils, Santa Catarina, Paraná.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 149
Author(s):  
Muhammad Ngizzul Muttaqin

The practice of unregistered marriage between Indonesian citizens and foreign nationals always raises legal problems, both the law of marriage and the legal consequences of the marriage. This article aims to provide concrete legal solutions and steps to the practice of unregistered marriage between Indonesian citizens and foreign nationals. This study used literature research with qualitative descriptive methods, through a normative legal approach. The results show that unregistered marriage is a social symptom of modern society which always occurs in the practice of today’s society. Although unregistered marriage is not specifically regulated in the practice of mixed marriages, it often occurs and must be anticipated. The solution is that there are three legal options that can be taken: first, if the person concerned is domiciled in Indonesia and intends to become an Indonesian citizen, then s/he can register the marriage with the employee who registers the marriage and performs the marriage certificate according to the provisions. Second, if the person concerned is living abroad but wants to become an Indonesian citizen, then s/he can take legal steps by registering the marriage and marriage certificate at the Indonesian Embassy. Third, if the person concerned is domiciled and wants to become a resident of a foreign country, then the person concerned must take the legal route that has been determined in that country. Thus, family law in Indonesia can be adaptive and responsive to the dynamics of social change.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
M. Ilham Wahyudi

Sunan Giri was the Islamic priest in Java who had enough enormous influence especially in 15-17 th AD century. The name of “Sunan Giri” is not limited referring to Raden Paku (Sunan Giri I) who started the political entity of Giri Kedhaton, but also refers to almost all of the sunans from Giri who are also descendants of Sunan Giri I. The Babad Tanah Jawi (BTJ) as a historical literature book of the Mataram palace in addition to telling the history of Java from the pre-Demak era to Mataram, on the other hand also mentions a lot about the existence of Sunan Giri. This research seeks to reveal the legitimacy narratives of the Islamic Mataram Kingdom in BTJ involving Sunan Giri as a religious figure who can exert political influence on them. By using a qualitative-descriptive method, the writer analyzes the text data of BTJ's narratives that contain elements of legitimacy involving Sunan Giri. From the philological data, it is then balanced with historical data from several historical works to find out how the socio-political conditions occurred in the 15th-17th century AD, especially in Java. The mention of legitimacy related to Sunan Giri in BTJ occurred in the early of Demak, early of Pajang, early until the mid of Mataram. Those stories are closely related to the existence of Sunan Giri as a priest with enormous influence both in Java and outside Java. Therefore, BTJ, which contains such information, has become one of the media for the legitimacy of power by the kings of Mataram.


1986 ◽  
Vol 118 (2) ◽  
pp. 228-246 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Irwin

“If all you have to tell us is that one barbarian succeeded another barbarian on the banks of the Oxus or Jaxartes, what benefit have you conferred on the public?” Voltaire's question is an awkward one for anyone investigating the transmission and distribution of power in the XVth century Circassian Mamluk Sultanate of Egypt and Syria. Even so the question of factionalism and its role in succession crises and other crises in the history of the Islamic lands has to be tackled, for surely the prevalence of factions in the Near East and our lack of understanding of them does add a certain patina of dullness to much of Islamic history. Faction succeeds to faction as “Amurath to Amurath”, and though Macaulay could find the history of England and its latter part, the struggle of Whig and Tory, to be “emphatically the history of progress”, few people have felt similarly confident about the struggle of Ẓāhirī and Manṣūrī factions in medieval Egypt. It is hard to understand past events without imposing a pattern, and at the political level the gyrations of Egyptian factions do not lend themselves easily to the imposition of pattern.


2014 ◽  
Vol 25 (25) ◽  
pp. 55-67
Author(s):  
Manolis Christofakis

Abstract This paper outlines the main theoretical approaches to the role of transport in spatial organization and investigates possible new extensions at a theoretical and practical level, focusing on the analysis of transport cost. Beginning from the traditional theories of spatial distribution and the location of economic activities under transport cost, the analysis focuses on the related approaches of the new economic geography, which are based on the assumptions of the known “iceberg cost”. After that, through the presentation of indicative empirical studies, the paper attempts to clarify new issues that should be taken into account in the relevant theoretical considerations as well as in the political practice. Thus, factors such as the change of production structure in the modern economies with the production of more quality products, lower mass, and higher relative value and intangible goods, in combination with the improved transport technology, have contributed to a continuous reduction of the transport cost of raw materials and productive goods over the years. These developments along with the growing importance of cost of moving people should be taken into account in the new theoretical interrogations and the political practice of regional and urban development


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