Patrimonialism and Military Rule in Indonesia

1979 ◽  
Vol 31 (4) ◽  
pp. 571-587 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harold Crouch
Keyword(s):  
Economic Development ◽  
Third World ◽  
Political Competition ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
New Order ◽  
Military Rule ◽  
Military Elite ◽  
Long Run ◽  
The Masses ◽  
The Military

Political scientists have recently turned to the Weberian concept of patrimonialism to explain political stability in some Third-World states. Indonesia during the Guided Democracy period is an example of a regime with strong patrimonial characteristics, although its collapse canot be explained in patrimonial terms. The New Order regime has sought to consolidate its power in patrimonial style. Efforts have been made to de-politicize the masses while confining political competition to non-ideological jockeying for power within the elite. However, the New Order's dependence on economic development to obtain support from key groups outside the military elite has tended to push the regime toward increasing regularization and bureaucratization and growing conflict within the military elite. Moreover, the depoliticization drive may not be effective in the long run. In these circumstances, the patrimonial distribution of the spoils of office as a means of maintaining political stability is likely to be increasingly supported by direct repression.

scholarly journals Dwi Fungsi ABRI : Melacak Sejarah Keterlibatan ABRI dalam Kehidupan Sosial Politik dan Perekonomian Indonesia

2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 23
Author(s):  
Anwar Anwar
Keyword(s):  
Political Stability ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
New Order ◽  
Dual Function ◽  
Economic Sectors ◽  
Political Field ◽  
Foreign Companies ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military

This paper examines the historical roots of the emergence of the involvement of the Armed Forces of the Republic of Indonesia (ABRI) in the socio-political field, especially several reasons that form the basis of government policy to involve ABRI in the socio-political and economic fields, as well as ABRI’s own efforts to play a role in these fields. This historical approach research concluded that ABRI’s involvement in the socio-political field in Indonesia had begun since the government of Guided Democracy under President Soekarno. Politically, the reason for Soekarno’s inclusion of the military in his government structure was due to the failure of civilian politicians in formulating state ideology with no agreement between parties in the constituent assembly. This failure is considered to endanger national political stability and threaten the integrity of the country. For this reason, President Soekarno recruited the military to balance civilian politicians in his government. Along with its involvement in the socio-political field, ABRI also plays a role in socio-economics. Although at first, this role was limited to securing national private companies which were legacies of foreign companies, but during the New Order government, the dual function of ABRI was confirmed and its role was wider. Almost all strategic economic sectors are controlled by ABRI.

Economic Development Over the Long Run – Central America Since 1920

1983 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 269-294 ◽  
Author(s):  
V. Bulmer-Thomas
Keyword(s):  
Economic Development ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Costa Rica ◽  
Gross Domestic Product ◽  
Central America ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
Developed Countries ◽  
Less Developed Countries ◽  
Real Gross Domestic Product ◽  
Long Run

The development of Central America in recent decades presents a paradox. As measured by the growth of real Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per head, the region's performance compares favourably with the rest of Latin America and other less developed countries (LDCs). At the same time, political convulsions have become more acute, and in no part of the isthmus – not even in Costa Rica – is political stability assured.

scholarly journals Othering the minority: Comparative Study of Papua Ethnic in Indonesia and Rohingnya Ethnic In Myanmar During Military Rule

2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-33
Author(s):  
Insan Praditya Anugrah
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Study ◽  
Race And Ethnicity ◽  
Military Regime ◽  
Historical Background ◽  
New Order ◽  
Military Rule ◽  
Military Junta ◽  
Significant Difference ◽  
The Comparative Study ◽  
The Military

The paper examines the comparative study of subaltern between Papua in Indonesia’s New Order era and Rohingya in Myanmar during military rule. In Indonesia, the Papuan case is an example of how the centralistic military regime treats Papuan ethnic as an object and treats them as “the others” rather than considers them as a part of the “Indonesian entity” as the subject itself. Meanwhile, in Myanmar, Rohingya case is an example of how the centralistic military junta regime treats Rohingya ethnic as “the others” and considers them as foreigners in Myanmar. This paper found a significant difference between the treatment of the Indonesian military regime towards Papuan ethnic and the treatment of the Myanmar military junta regime towards Rohingya ethnic. In Indonesia, the military regime acknowledges Papuan as a citizen of Indonesia. However, the regime considers Papuan as the “different other” nonetheless. Their different race and ethnicity from Java and Malay ethnic as the majority ethnic are not the subjects of the cause, yet it is caused by Papuan traditional behavior which is regarded as “backward” as by the central regime. Meanwhile in Myanmar, since the enforcement of citizenship law in 1982, the military regime clearly does not acknowledge Rohingya from state citizenship because of their identities, such as religion and Rohingya's historical background.

scholarly journals Indonesian Museum after New Order Regime: The Representation that Never Disappears | Museum Indonesia Selepas Orde Baru: Representasi Rezim yang Tak Pernah Hilang

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ayu Dipta Kirana ◽  
◽  
Fajar Aji Jiwandono ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Local History ◽  
New Order ◽  
Regional Government ◽  
New Era ◽  
The Public ◽  
Long Run ◽  
New Concepts ◽  
The Reformation ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military

Indonesia marked a new era, known as the Reformation Era, in 1998 after the downfall of Suharto, the main face of the regime called the New Order (Orde Baru) and ran the government from 1966 to 1998. This long-run government creates certain structures in many sectors, including the museum sector in Indonesia. Suharto leads the government in a totalitarian manner, his power control over many layers, including the use of museums as regime propaganda tools. The propaganda in the museums such as a standardized storyline, the use of historical versions that are approved by the government, and the representation of violence through the military tale with the nation’s great enemy is made for the majority of museums from the west to east Indonesia at that time. Thus, after almost two-decade after the downfall of the New Order regime how Indonesian museum transform into this new era? In the new democratic era, museum management is brought back to the regional government. The museums are encouraged to writing the local history and deconstruct the storyline from the previous regime. Not only just stop there, but there are alsomany new museums open to the public with new concepts or storylines to revive the audience. Even, the new museum was also erected by the late president’s family to rewrite the narration of the hero story of Suharto in Yogyakarta. This article aims to look up the change in the Indonesian museum post-New Order regime. How they adjust curatorial narration to present the storyline, is there any change to re-write the new narrative, or they actually still represent the New-Order idea along with the violence symbolic that never will deconstruct. Indonesia menandai masa baru yang dikenal sebagai masa reformasi pada tahun 1998 dengan tumbangnya Soeharto yang menjadi wajah utama rezim yang dikenal dengan sebutan Orde Baru ini. Pemerintahan Orde Baru telah berlangsung sejak tahun 1966 hingga 1998 yang mengubah banyak tatanan kehidupan, termasuk sektor permuseum di Indonesia. Corak pemerintahan Orde Baru yang condong pada kontrol dan totalitarian mengantarkan museum sebagai kendaraan propaganda rezim Soeharto. Dimulai dari narasi storyline yang seragam di seluruh museum negeri di Indonesia hingga kekerasan simbolik lewat narasi militer dan musuh besar bangsa. Lalu setelah hampir dua dekade era reformasi di Indonesia bagaimana perubahan museum di Indonesia? Pada era demokrasi yang lebih terbuka, pengelolaan museum dikembalikan kepada pemerintah daerah dan diharapkan untuk dapat menulis kembali sejarah lokal yang baru. Tak berhenti disitu, banyak museum-museum baru yang tumbuh berdiri memberikan kesegaran baru namun juga muncul museum yang berbau rezim Orde Baru turut didirikan sebagai upaya menuliskan narasi.

scholarly journals Did Pakistanis Vote for the Status Quo?

2013 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 135-149
Author(s):  
Omer Bin Abdullah
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Coalition Government ◽  
Military Rule ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Many ◽  
The Masses ◽  
The Military

The latest – and possibly the last – period of military rule in Pakistan ended in 2008, when elections were held under the thendictator General Pervez Musharraf. The voting sprouted a coalition government headed by the Pakistan Peoples Party that ruled (or rather riled) the country for five excruciating years. The ever-erring ruling group included the Pakistan Muslim League- Nawaz, one of the many breakaway wings of the country’s founding political movement. The country has suffered ever since the Soviets invaded neighboring Afghanistan, leading the United States and its allies to fund the “mujahideen,” the tribal-based loosely organized Muslim fighters from all over the world. After 9/11, President George W. Bush’s attack on Afghanistan and hot pursuit of targets inside Pakistan, not to mention the military dictator Musharraf’s wholesale willingness to support the United States in all of its decisions, has led to high levels of violence and instability. The Pakistani political establishment has little to show for its efforts. However, another development took root seventeen years ago. Imran Khan, the internationally respected and loved sports heroturned- philanthropist, realizing that acts of kindness alone would not heal the country’s malaise, launched his own political party in a quest for justice and equality in a society firmly controlled by the feudal landed class created by the British to rule the Subcontinent. After ignoring him for some fifteen years, despite his many sacrifices, the nation finally heard him. But while his popularity boomed in 2011, his attempt to empower the masses by bringing in “fresh blood,” namely, young educated people, women, and even the poor into the assemblies failed. The voters were, as many Pakistanis believe, deprived of their choice, and thus the same exploitative feudal class was returned to power. Khan has not fared too well, but at least he has planted the seeds of inclusive participation. Whether he can sustain it, however, remains to be seen.

scholarly journals The Re-election of the Indonesian President: Reasons and Background

2009 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 81-94
Author(s):  
Patrick Ziegenhain
Keyword(s):  
Political Stability ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Poor Quality ◽  
New Order ◽  
Economic Policies ◽  
Military Career ◽  
Economic Progress ◽  
Islamic Parties ◽  
The Military

Incumbent president Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) was reelected as Indonesian president in the elections on 8 July 2009 with over 60 per cent of the votes. The reasons for the victory were his relatively successful economic policies, his efforts in the fight against corruption, and the poor quality of his political opponents. The retired general made a military career under the authoritarian New Order and then became a politician after democratisation started in 1998. In 2004, he was elected president with the support of Islamic parties, which he then included in his government. As a person close to the military, SBY avoided reducing the privileges of the Armed Forces and thus democratic deepening has been stalled. However, there are good chances that economic progress and political stability will prevail during his second term.

scholarly journals LAND QUESTION AS A CONFLICTOGENIC FACTOR DURING THE REVOLUTIONARY EVENTS OF 1917-1921 IN KHARKIV GUBERNIYA

2019 ◽  
pp. 91-95
Author(s):  
Yaroslav Motenko ◽  
Eugenia Shyshkina
Keyword(s):  
Political Stability ◽  
Difficult Problem ◽  
The Political ◽  
Information Warfare ◽  
Political Regimes ◽  
Frequent Change ◽  
Agrarian Question ◽  
The Masses ◽  
The Military ◽  
Active Struggle

In the proposed article, on the example of the revolutionary events of 1917-1921 in Kharkiv Government, the interconnection between internal political stability and the solution of the land issue is shown. The object of the study is agrarian question as a conflict factor, which made the relations between the authorities and the population of the region more complicated. Having gained the control over the region the opposing governments had to solve not only military but also economic questions. The most difficult problem was to address the agrarian issue, as well as to determine the governments’ share in the total volume of production grown by the peasantry. To solve these problems the political regimes combined repressive actions, methods of encouraging local people’s collaboration, and information warfare. Despite the lack of the Ukrainian national political regimes’ support the agrarian population of Kharkiv Government resisted the «White» and «Red» terror and policy of War Communism. The most common forms of resistance of the peasantry in Kharkiv region were: illegal active struggle (armed uprisings, creation of rebel forces, terrorist acts), illegal passive struggle (desertion, concealment of food, sabotage of duties), legal active struggle (village meetings, peasant conferences) and legal passive struggle (refusal to work in local authorities, unwillingness to join the political party). In summing up authors pointed out that the conflict factors in the region included: the frequent change of the military-political situation, lack of reliable information in the countryside, popularity of Utopian ideas among the masses, food confiscations, terror of the repressive bodies, and spontaneity of the peasant rebellion movement.

scholarly journals Chilean economy under Pinochet

2005 ◽  
Vol 53 (3) ◽  
pp. 225-240
Author(s):  
Libor Žídek
Keyword(s):  
Debt Crisis ◽  
Economic Reforms ◽  
Positive Development ◽  
Military Rule ◽  
Democratic Government ◽  
Good Shape ◽  
Long Run ◽  
Economic Collapse ◽  
The Military

Period of Pinochet rule in Chile is still in the centre of interest of many experts. This article concentrates (mostly) on the economic side of the military rule. Pinochet took responsibility for the country in situation near to economic collapse caused by policy of the previous – Allendeęs government. The new government after the coup dęétat in 1973 had to stabilize economy. Soldiers at the same time start to implement economic reforms that improved the long run ability of the economy to grow. The economic uplift was interrupted by debt crisis at the beginning of 1980s. Pinochetęs government was able to deal with these obstacles and at the end passed the economy to the democratic government (at the end of 1980s) in good shape. The following positive development in the 1990s is thus based on the foundations built under the military rule.

scholarly journals Establishment and Development of Ukrainian-Romanian Relations in 1917–1923: Milestones and Personalities

2018 ◽  
pp. 96-113
Author(s):  
Teofil Rendiuk
Keyword(s):  
Political Competition ◽  
Economic Cooperation ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
Classical Level ◽  
Long Run ◽  
Neighbouring Country ◽  
Central Council ◽  
Negative Effect ◽  
The Creation ◽  
The Military

The article analyses three main stages and features of the establishment and development of Ukrainian-Romanian relations in 1917–1923. The first stage covers military and diplomatic relations between the Kingdom of Romania and the Ukrainian People’s Republic during the time of the Central Council of Ukraine (July 1917 – May 1918); the second one refers to the diplomatic relations of the Ukrainian State during the period of Hetman P. Skoropadskyi (June 1918 – December 1918); the third one corresponds to the UPR during the period of the Directorate of Ukraine (January 1919–1923).Each stage has its unique features, namely: the period of the UPR under the Central Council is characterised by the establishment of bilateral military-diplomatic relations and an attempt to resolve the Bessarabia issue; the Ukrainian State during the period of Hetman P. Skoropadskyi is marked by the creation of an extensive network of Ukrainian consular offices in the Kingdom of Romania, the signing in Iasi of the Agreement on Economic Cooperation between the Ukrainian State and the Kingdom of Romania; the UPR of the Directorate period is defined by the development of Ukrainian-Romanian diplomatic relations to the full-fledged classical level and protection of interests of the extensive Ukrainian community in Romania and the Ukrainian military emigration numbered many thou-sands, which has been found in the territory of a neighbouring country after the defeat in the military-political competition for the creation of independent Ukrainian State. The article emphasizes that a common distinctive thing about all Ukrainian diplomatic missions in Romania during the period of 1917–1923 has been the introduction and protection of interests of multi-million Ukrainian ethos that was found within the administrative boundaries of the Kingdom of Romania of that time. The article summarises achievements of Ukrainian diplomacy in Romania and failures that in the long run have had far-reaching negative effect. Keywords: Ukrainian People’s Republic, Ukrainian State, Kingdom of Romania, military-diplomatic relations, Extraordinary diplomatic mission, General Consulate, Agreement on Economic Cooperation, Ukrainian community.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document