Solon's "Theôria" and the End of the City

2000 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 304-329 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Ker
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Political Sphere ◽  
The City

How are we to understand Solon's departure from Athens "for the sake of theôria" immediately after the introduction of his laws (Hdt. 1.29)? Previous accounts have taken theôria to mean "sightseeing," but the goal of Solon's departure-to avoid explaining or changing the laws-is guaranteed by certain religious features of theôria: the theôros plays the role of civic guardian and must not add to or subtract from an oracle he conveys to the city, and during the theôria the city itself must remain pure and avoid disturbances. Solon adapts these features of theôria to establish his laws as a pseudo-oracular discourse, as a purification of the city, and as a permanent civic medium. The beginning of Solon's open-ended journey thus gives ideological finality to the laws at the middle of the city. This reading of Solon's theôria coheres with other instances of the creative adaptation of ritual in archaic Greek politics. It also develops our understanding of the discourse on theôria as regulating the laws (nomoi) that constitute the political sphere.

scholarly journals THE ROLE OF THE KYZYLORDA PERIOD IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE EDUCATION SYSTEM OF KAZAKHSTAN

2020 ◽  
Vol 65 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
E.A. Jalmagambetov ◽  
◽  
E.Zh. Aziretbergenova ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Young People ◽  
Education System ◽  
Public Life ◽  
Boarding Schools ◽  
Educational Institutions ◽  
The Political ◽  
Remote Areas ◽  
The Status ◽  
The City

The Kyzylorda period in the development of the education system of Kazakhstan occupies a special place. The center's move to the city of Kyzylorda gave a new impetus to the political and public life of the region. Young people seeking education started coming to the city of Kyzylorda from other regions. After assigning the status of the capital in the city of Kyzylorda began to open up new educational institutions. The Kazakh Institute of education and medical schools moved from Orenburg. The city has opened educational schools of the first and second categories. Special boarding schools were opened for people living in remote areas. The work of boarding schools was constantly monitored by special commissions. In 1925, the famous writer Gabiden Mustafin worked and studied in the city of Kyzylorda. Also, S. Mukanov, A. Kenzhin and other representatives of the Kazakh intelligentsia worked in the education system.

scholarly journals STRATEGI DAKWAH SIASYAH PARTAI PERSATUAN PEMBANGUNAN DI JAWABARAT

2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-36
Author(s):  
Ridwan - Mubarok
Keyword(s):  
World Politics ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Sphere ◽  
The Past ◽  
The People ◽  
Missionary Movement ◽  
Or Organization

For every Muslim, the role of civilization is identical to authentic mission as a leader as a leader in this earth, whose role is greater than leading a province or country. The participation of ulama, dai or da'wah movements in the political sphere is his right, but the missionary movement or organization must also be aware of and be aware of people or persons who want to manipulate da'wah as a vehicle for world politics. Da'wah movements or dai must be able to use various life instruments that exist today for the sake of da'wah. Ulama and the da'i who join in the organization movement or da'wah movement, must realize that they are part of the chain of struggle of the people. Now is the time for da'i or ulama to proclaim themselves from the past fetters that castrated the political life of the scholars.Bagi setiap muslim, peran peradaban identik dengan misi otentik sebagai pemimpin sebagai pemimpin dimuka bumi ini, yang perannya lebih besar dibandingkan memimpin sebuah provinsi atau negara. Keikutsertaan para ulama, dai atau gerakan dakwah dalam ranah politik merupakan haknya, akan tetapi gerakan atau organisasi dakwah juga harus menyadari serta mewaspadai terhadap orang atau oknum yang hendak memperalat dakwah sebagai kendaraan politik dunia. Gerakan dakwah ataupun para dai harus dapat menggunakan berbagai instrument kehidupan yang ada saat ini untuk kepentingan dakwah. Ulama maupun para da’i yang bergabung dalam gerakan organisasi atau gerakan dakwah, harus menyadari bahwasanya dirinya merupakan bagian dari mata rantai perjuangan umat. Kini sudah saatnya para da’i ataupun ulama dapat memproklamirkan diri dari belenggu masa lalu yang mengebiri kehidupan politik para ulama, PPP menjadi salah satu alternatif.

Postscriptum

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Claudio Sopranzetti
Keyword(s):  
Political Mobilization ◽  
The Political ◽  
Taxi Drivers ◽  
Life Trajectories ◽  
Political Experience ◽  
Political Praxis ◽  
Motorcycle Taxi ◽  
The City ◽  
Methodological Reflection

This chapter takes a step back from Thailand and asks what the political experience of the motorcycle taxi drivers can offer to philosophy of praxis today. In particular, it focuses on three issues that the drivers’ life trajectories, their everyday life in the city, and their adoption of mobility, a characteristic and strength of post-Fordism capitalism, as a tool of political mobilization and a field of struggle raise. First, they invite us to a methodological reflection on the role of contradiction in political praxis; second, they urge us to reconsider where accumulation and the production of value is located in post-Fordist capitalism; and third, they call on us to use this analysis to locate points of least resistance and weak spots on which political pressure can be most effectively applied.

Interrogating Klein's Shock Doctrine

2010 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 116-128
Author(s):  
Saroj Giri
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
The Political ◽  
Democratic Socialism ◽  
End Of History ◽  
Political Sphere ◽  
Democratic Capitalism ◽  
The End Of History ◽  
Movimientos Sociales

In The Shock Doctrine Naomi Klein rightly critiques capitalism in its repressive ‘market fundamentalist’ avatar. But she does not problematise ‘democratic capitalism’ or the very form of capitalist democracy. Instead she advocates the latter. Thus for her the role of social movements is limited to the extension of democracy, from the political sphere, to the economic. No problem as such there – until we find that her advocacy for social movements derives from the need to make sure “disillusioned citizens would not go looking once again for a more appealing ideology, whether fascism or Communism” (p. 54). It is hard to overlook her liberal rationale. Neoliberalism must be challenged, since it is a bad candidate to keep the ‘hard left’ in check. Klein functions within the paradigm of the ‘end of ideology’ and the ‘end of history’: anything beyond liberal capitalist democracy takes us to ‘totalitarianism’, where fascism and communism merge. Social movements and people's subjectivity that tend towards the ‘hard left’ (for example, those on the left of Allende's democratic socialism in Chile who were fighting the coup), finds mention in her analysis, if at all, only to be repudiated as a danger. En su La Doctrina del Shock, Naomi Klein critica correctamente al capitalismo en su versión represiva, de ‘fundamentalismo de mercado’, pero no problema-tiza sobre ‘el capitalismo democrático’, o sobre la forma de la democracia capitalista misma. De lo contrario, la apoya. Es decir que para ella el rol de los movimientos sociales se limita a extender la democracia desde la esfera de la política hacia la de la economía. Hasta ahí no hay problema, hasta que nos encontramos con que su apoyo a los movimientos sociales es un resultado de la necesidad de asegurar que “ciudadanxs desilusinadxs no se [metan] en la búsqueda de una ideología más cercana a sus intereses, sea el facismo o el comunismo” (p. 54). Resulta difícil dejar de lado su racionalidad liberal: hay que desafiar al neoliberalismo porque no es buen candidato a mantener a la ‘izquierda dura’ bajo control. Klein funciona claramente dentro del paradigma del ‘fin de las ideologías’ y del ‘fin de la historia’: todo lo que existe más allá de la democracia liberal capitalista es el ‘totalitarismo’, adonde !facismo y comunismo se fusionan! Los movimientos sociales y la subjetividad de quienes tienden hacia la ‘izquierda dura’ (por ejemplo, aquellxs a la izquierda del socialismo democrático de Allende en Chile que lucharon contra el golpe) son mencionados en su análisis (si es que son mencionados) sólo para ser repudiados por ser considerados como un peligro.

scholarly journals The Return of the Sacral King

2020 ◽  
Vol 25 ◽  
pp. 51-65
Author(s):  
Paul R. DeHart ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Roman Empire ◽  
Political Order ◽  
The Political ◽  
Modern State ◽  
Ancient Rome ◽  
The World ◽  
Ancient Christianity ◽  
The City

In Pagans & Christians in the City, Steven D. Smith argues that in contrast to ancient Rome, ancient Christianity, following Judaism, located the sacred outside the world, desacralizing the cosmos and everything in it—including the political order. It thereby introduced a political dualism and potentially contending allegiances. Although Smith’s argument is right so far as it goes, it underplays the role of Christianity’s immanent dimension in subverting the Roman empire and the sacral pattern of antiquity. This division of authority not only undermined the Roman empire and antique sacral political order more generally—it also subverts the modern state, which, in the work of Hobbes and Rousseau, sought to remarry what Western Christianity divorced.

The City and the Law. Aspects of Ibn Khaldūn’s Critique of the Philosophers

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 4-24
Author(s):  
Leonardo Capezzone
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Political Thought ◽  
Historical Development ◽  
World History ◽  
The Political ◽  
Islamic Philosophy ◽  
Critical Attitude ◽  
History Of ◽  
The City

Abstract The history of Khaldunian readings in the twentieth century reveals an analytical capacity of non-Orientalists definitely greater than that demonstrated by the Orientalists. The latter, at least until the 1950s, prove to be prisoners of that syndrome denounced by Edward Said’s Orientalism (1978), which projected on Islamic historical development a specificity and an alterity, which make it an exception in world history. Orientalist scholarship has often wanted to see in Ibn Khaldūn’s critical attitude to the philosophy of al-Fārābī and Averroes only the confirmation of the primacy of the sharīʿa over Platonic nomos. This article seeks to highlight some aspects of Ibn Khaldūn’s critique of classical political thought of Islamic philosophy. His critique focuses on the importance given to the juridical dimension of social becoming, and to the role of the political body of the jurists in the making of the City. Those aspects witness Ibn Khaldūn’s effort to interpret change and fractures as factors which make sense of history and decadence.

scholarly journals The Political Role of Women in the City of Santri, Situbondo (Overview of Political Communication)

2019 ◽  
pp. 115
Author(s):  
Nur Ainiyah
Keyword(s):  
Political Communication ◽  
Cultural Barriers ◽  
The Political ◽  
Research Approach ◽  
Political Climate ◽  
Theoretical Frameworks ◽  
Political Role ◽  
Political Choices ◽  
The City

This study aims to show how the role of women's political communication in the city of santri (a student in Islamic boarding school) in facing political power that is dominated by men in Situbondo. It becomes a development in women's political communication in a practical and scientific manner. The reality of the political climate in Situbondo is inseparable from the influence of the kyai as religious and cultural figures, so each of his political perceptions and views certainly has its own perspective and far from gender justice. Consequently, this affects the political space for female santri in Situbondo. In this research, building theoretical interconnections from building theoretical frameworks used such as political communication, gender analysis and phenomenology, related to the focus of research. With a qualitative-explorative research approach, several steps in the procedure of collecting observational data, interviews and documentation are applied consistently and continuously. The results of the research are firstly Santri woman has a political outlook with the benefit of minimizing conflict; secondly cultural barriers as a medium of political communication are effectively overcome by female santri. Besides, female santri tend to override political choices by preferring the political choices of the figures they envision for benefit purposes.

Arendt, Truth, and Epistemic Responsibility

2018 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 149-170 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yasemin Sari ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Hannah Arendt ◽  
Political Action ◽  
The Political ◽  
Epistemic Responsibility ◽  
Factual Information ◽  
Philosophical Perspective ◽  
Political Sphere ◽  
Normative Order

In this article, I offer a politico-philosophical perspective to reassess the much-contested role of truth in politics to put forth a principle of political action that will make sense of a “right to unmanipulated factual information,” which Hannah Arendt understands as crucial for establishing freedom of opinion. In developing a principle of epistemic responsibility, I will show that “factual truth” plays a key role in Arendt’s account of political action and provides a normative order that can extricate her account from charges of immoralism. The article will be divided into three sections: section 1 deals with the distinction between rational truths and factual truths, and the question of their validity, section 2 deals with what a principle of political action is, and lastly, section 3 proposes a principle of “epistemic responsibility” that becomes action-guiding in the political sphere, in order to shed new light on the 2013 Gezi Park protest, one of the recent democratic uprisings of our century.

The Democratizer Army Paradox: The Role of the Algerian Army in Impeded Democratization

2019 ◽  
Vol 54 (7) ◽  
pp. 1033-1047
Author(s):  
Furkan Halit Yolcu
Keyword(s):  
Process Tracing ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Sphere ◽  
Civil Military Relations ◽  
Military Relations ◽  
The Military

The main paradox of the civil–military relations theory has been the protection of the political sphere from the military, which is administered by the politicians. The new dilemma lies under the paradox that occurs when the political sphere is entirely co-opted by the military, which is legitimized through democratization instead of protection of the civilian sphere. The question regarding the continuity of the pathology, the military superiority over the civil administration, has been largely omitted. This study is an attempt to respond to this conundrum related to the continuity of pathological civil–military relations. The main focus is the pathology that occurs when the military is the modernizer or the democratizer in a country. The study uses process tracing to collect the data as research attempts to unravel the rationale behind the continuity of military dominance in politics. In doing so, it will attempt to trace the causality between the lack of democratization and military dominance over politics in the case of Algeria.

scholarly journals Slope Matters: Anti-Sprawl and Construction of Urban Nature in Yongin, South Korea

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (22) ◽  
pp. 12401
Author(s):  
Jewon Ryu ◽  
Sang-Hyun Chi
Keyword(s):  
Political Ecology ◽  
Urban Sprawl ◽  
Urban Politics ◽  
Environmental Conservation ◽  
Accelerated Expansion ◽  
The Political ◽  
Urban Nature ◽  
City Development ◽  
The City

Nature in urban areas is defined, recognised, and used by various actors, such as residents, politicians, construction industries, public officials, civic activists, and tourists. These actors engage in alliances and confrontations to construct urban nature as they imagine and want it. Existing research has shown the role of actors and the relationship between them. However, the position and the role of actors can change over the course of urban development as well. The history of development in Yongin shows the process of the political construction of urban nature by illustrating the conflict between development and the environment. From the late 1980s, large-scale apartment complexes have been built. Development ordinances have supported this incessant expansion of the city by easing regulations on the conversion of forest into residential areas. The result of accelerated expansion of the city without comprehensive urban planning of the city is called ‘the epitome of urban sprawl’. From the late 2010s, the orientation of city development began to change. The relaxed slope ordinance was restored to curb further development. This study explores the background of this amendment from the perspectives of urban political ecology. In order to examine how Yongin’s ‘nature’ was imagined and reconceptualised, we explore how the perception of nature is differentially constructed among various urban actors, especially residents from different districts. Next, we focus on the political strategies of urban actors who developed environmental conservation and public asset discourses from individualised and fragmented complaints. Through this process, this study explored how ‘unchecked urban sprawl’ is imagined, recognised, defined, and, more importantly, prevented. Additionally, the public support for the anti-sprawl shows that actors in urban politics change in the process of urban sprawl.

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