scholarly journals TEORI WEWENANG DALAM PERIZINAN

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 50
Author(s):  
Grace Sharon

Based on the provisions in the 1945 Constitution article 1 paragraph 3 which states the State of Indonesia is a state based on law, it brings the consequence that every government action must always be based on the law. From another point of view related to the development of the 21st century, the State is often said to have developed into a modern state. Whereas the state's tasks, which were initially very limited, have become increasingly widespread. This is due to the increasing needs of modern humans and especially those related to the interests of life together. Regarding the social dynamics that occur in the community, licensing arrangements are needed. A license as a one-sided government action is a stipulation arising from the strategies and techniques used by the Government to control or control various conditions or activities carried out by the community. In other words, licensing is very much needed as an instrument of community guidance. However, the author limits the scope of research on licensing only to the nature of the authority of the permit, so that the author's research in this article is done through a literature review.

2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Fajri Sodik

The State of Indonesia is known for its pluralistic ethnic society that is constantly undergoing changes in every aspect of life. Tolerance education embedded in society aims to make citizens aware of equality in the life of the nation and state so they are be able to form harmonious Indonesian society side by side. This paper aims to describe the importance of tolerance education in the social dynamics of Indonesian people living in diversity. The method used in this research is literature study (literature review). The results of this study indicate that tolerance education is very relevant in the social dynamics of Indonesian society. The tolerance values ​​that must be instilled by the Indonesian people in daily life include: mutual respect, brothers and sisters, freedom, cooperation, mutual help, non-discrimination and a culture of sharing. With the existence of tolerance education, the Indonesian people can live in harmony and spared from conflict and animosity between fellow citizens.


Literary Fact ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 237-282 ◽  
Author(s):  
Igor Vinogradov

The paper is devoted to the study of Nikolai Gogol’s idea of the social and official status of the Mayor, the character of a “head official” in the satirical comedy The Government Inspector. So far Gogol’s view of his character as a raznochinets, a “mean plebeian”, who blemished his rank and position, hasn’t been considered by the scholars. In Gogol’s opinion, Skvoznik-Dmukhanovsky, who started his career from the lowest position and acquired his rank and title of nobility with “hard service”, nevertheless hasn’t become a true nobleman because of his bribery and corruption. From this perspective, the character of the Mayor helps to better understand the purpose of Gogol’s satire. Both in The Government Inspector and The Gamblers, another Gogol’s play, that has much in common with his most famous comedy, the satire is not aimed at “those in power”, nor the “state machine”, but at all kinds of frauds and swindlers among officials. Critically examining the state administration in Russia, Gogol shows them through the eyes of a high-ranking, responsible official who takes the problem very much to heart. This point of view resonated with that of the Emperor Nicholas I: it took his personal intervention to have the play published and staged. The paper consists of five parts: 1. The Mayor’s career; 2. Character archetypes in The Tale of How Ivan Ivanovich Quarreled with Ivan Nikiforivich and The Government Inspector; 3. Characteristic features of an “average official” in Gogol’s works; 4. The Mayor as a liminal character; 5. Gogol’s use of satire. The paper is based on extensive factual material that allows to trace in detail the Mayor’s career and to specify Gogol’s idea of the comedy as a satiric play aimed at obnoxious saboteurs, both nobles and commoners, who subvert the royal power and the state with their unworthy behavior, who are unfit for the positions they occupy and unable to meet the requirements of the supreme authority. The milestones of the Mayor’s career clearly confirm Gogol’s words that “the government consists of us, we climb the career ladder and make up the government”, that “the occupant of the position is to be blamed, and he is our brother”, and that readers and should be able to find with themselves the faults satirized in the comedy. With utmost sincerity and acuteness Gogol advocates healing self and society, extirpation of vices without the hidden agenda of changing political regime. The paper for the first time considers the connection between two scenes (“Anna Andreevna and Maria Antonovna”. “Khlestakov and Rastakovsky”) published in 1841 and the idea of The Government Inspector


2018 ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Louis Seidman

On conventional accounts, the state action doctrine is dichotomous. When the government acts, constitutional limits take hold and the government action is invalid if those limits are exceeded. When the government fails to act, the state action doctrine leaves decisions to individuals, who are permitted to violate what would otherwise be constitutional constraints. It turns out though that the modern state action doctrine creates three rather than two domains. There is indeed a private, inner band where there is thought to be insufficient government action to trigger constitutional constraints, but often there is also a public, outer band where there is too much state action for the Constitution to apply. The Constitution takes hold only in a middle band—the Goldilocks band—sandwiched between these two domains. For constitutional limitations to have force, the government must act just enough—but not too much. This Article’s first aim is to identify and describe this puzzling structure. It also examines a variety of doctrinal principles that produce and, perhaps, justify the state action doctrine’s three bands. The Article then argues that these seemingly disparate principles are all related to the special constitutional problems produced by the emergence of the middle band of government regulation. Finally, the Article concludes with some brief speculation about whether the modern tripartite structure can survive.


Author(s):  
Angela Dranishnikova

In the article, the author reflects the existing problems of the fight against corruption in the Russian Federation. He focuses on the opacity of the work of state bodies, leading to an increase in bribery and corruption. The topic we have chosen is socially exciting in our days, since its significance is growing on a large scale at all levels of the investigated aspect of our modern life. Democratic institutions are being jeopardized, the difference in the position of social strata of society in society’s access to material goods is growing, and the state of society is suffering from the moral point of view, citizens are losing confidence in the government, and in the top officials of the state.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2019 (4) ◽  
pp. 277-294
Author(s):  
Yong Huang

AbstractIt has been widely observed that virtue ethics, regarded as an ethics of the ancient, in contrast to deontology and consequentialism, seen as an ethics of the modern (Larmore 1996: 19–23), is experiencing an impressive revival and is becoming a strong rival to utilitarianism and deontology in the English-speaking world in the last a few decades. Despite this, it has been perceived as having an obvious weakness in comparison with its two major rivals. While both utilitarianism and deontology can at the same time serve as an ethical theory, providing guidance for individual persons and a political philosophy, offering ways to structure social institutions, virtue ethics, as it is concerned with character traits of individual persons, seems to be ill-equipped to be politically useful. In recent years, some attempts have been made to develop the so-called virtue politics, but most of them, including my own (see Huang 2014: Chapter 5), are limited to arguing for the perfectionist view that the state has the obligation to do things to help its members develop their virtues, and so the focus is still on the character traits of individual persons. However important those attempts are, such a notion of virtue politics is clearly too narrow, unless one thinks that the only job the state is supposed to do is to cultivate its people’s virtues. Yet obviously the government has many other jobs to do such as making laws and social policies, many if not most of which are not for the purpose of making people virtuous. The question is then in what sense such laws and social policies are moral in general and just in particular. Utilitarianism and deontology have their ready answers in the light of utility or moral principles respectively. Can virtue ethics provide its own answer? This paper attempts to argue for an affirmative answer to this question from the Confucian point of view, as represented by Mencius. It does so with a focus on the virtue of justice, as it is a central concept in both virtue ethics and political philosophy.


1981 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 309-335 ◽  
Author(s):  
Micheline Plasse

This article first presents a brief survey of the role and functions filled by the personal aide (chef de cabinet) of a minister in Quebec. The analysis continues, in a comparative perspective, by tracing a sociological and professional portrait of the Liberal“chefs de cabinet” in April 1976 and their successors in the pequiste government in July 1977.We then test the hypothesis that the cleavage between the government and the dominant economic forces has increased since November 15, 1976 as a result of the ideology articulated by the“chefs de cabinet” regarding the social and economic aims of the state. This hypothesis was confirmed.The hypothesis that the pequiste“chefs de cabinet” exercise a more pronounced influence on the decision-making process is also confirmed. Nevertheless, one cannot argue that the pequiste“chefs de cabinet” usurped the power of the legislators; their influence is more political than technocratic. The growing influence of the pequiste“chefs de cabinet” neverthelsss helps to accentuate the tensions and conflicts between the higher civil service and the ministerial aides.


2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (10) ◽  
pp. 51-59
Author(s):  
S. Kononov ◽  

The article is devoted to the analysis of the problems of a social security modern discourse formation in the framework of a philosophical discussion of the transformation processes of the formation vector of the state security policy. The task of the article, according to the author, is to present the problem of security in conditions when it ceases to be understood, as a concept associated with the idea of preserving the integrity of a state or nation, and functions as a phenomenon with the broadest possible social parameters. Using the methodology of phenomenological, hermeneutic and comparative analysis, the new areas of security research, common difference of which is social and personal orientation are analyzed. The author pays attention to the features of the methodology of works reflecting the point of view of the modern state, works related to the development of a systematic approach to security, works based on an axiological approach and concludes that, despite the expansion of security interpretations, all these approaches retain a common ideological foundation. presupposing the need to preserve the leading role of the state in the field of social security, including the security of the individual and society and the state. All these approaches are based on the policy of responding to emerging threats to the Russian state and do not reflect the needs of a comprehensive strategic goal-setting covering the sphere of socio-economic development of the social system. This circumstance, according to the author, leads to the formation of a security strategy that exists only in the name of protecting the state and does not imply feedback between the state and the social institutions that the state is going to protect, which leads to the ineffectiveness of modern protection measures and the need to find new ways to justify the need for this protection, a new definition of its content and essence


Author(s):  
Luana Faria Medeiros

POLITICAL GEOGRAPHY AND THE MINERAL SECTOR: the legislative propositions that impact the management of the territories with mining in the state of Pará – 2011 to 2016GEOGRAFÍA POLÍTICA Y EL SECTOR MINERO: las proposiciones legislativas que impactan la gestión de los territorios con la minería en el estado de Pará – 2011 a 2016O presente trabalho tem o objetivo de resgatar o campo da política na Geografia, no contexto da atividade mineral no estado do Pará, principalmente diante de vários entendimentos de que os conflitos de interesses nas sociedades e nos territórios se resolvem também pelo viés político; partindo de uma leitura teórica do conceito de território, poder e política, onde essa tríade será determinante para o entendimento das proposições legislativas dos anos de 2011 a 2016 voltadas para a mineração, e da análise da gestão política e territorial no setor mineral paraense e seus impactos na sociedade a partir das políticas públicas. A relevância da pesquisa está no aspecto político que envolve a tomada de decisão que é essencialmente importante nas relações sociais de poder do Governo do Estado do Pará que, materializadas, causam impactos no território com mineração, sobretudo na utilização da taxa mineral, instrumento regulador de ação no território.Palavras-chave: Território; Poder; Política; Mineração.ABSTRACTThe present work aims to redeem the field of politics in geography, in the context of the mineral activity in the state of Pará, mainly faced with various understanding that conflicts of interests in societies and territories also resolve by bias Political; Starting from a theoretical reading of the concept of territory, power and politics, where this triad will be decisive for the understanding of the legislative propositions of the years of 2011 to 2016 focused on mining, and the analysis of the political and territorial management in the mineral sector Pará and Its impacts on society from public Policy. The relevance of the research is in the political aspect which involves the decision making which is essentially important in the social relations of the Government of the state of Pará that, materialized, cause impacts on the territory with mining, especially in the use of the mineral rate, Action-regulating instrument in the territory.Keywords: Territory; Power; Policy; Mining.RESUMEN El presente trabajo pretende redimir el campo de la política en geografía, en el contexto de la actividad minera en el estado de Pará, frente principalmente a diversos entendimientos de que los conflictos de intereses en sociedades y territorios también se resuelven por sesgo Política. A partir de una lectura teórica del concepto de territorio, poder y política, donde esta tríada será decisiva para la comprensión de las proposiciones legislativas de los años de 2011 a 2016 se centró en la minería, y el análisis de la gestión política y territorial en el sector minero de Pará y Sus impactos en la sociedad de la política pública. La relevancia de la investigación está en el aspecto político que implica la toma de decisiones que es esencialmente importante en las relaciones sociales del gobierno del estado de Pará que, materializadas, causan impactos en el territorio con la minería, especialmente en el uso de la tasa mineral, Instrumento de regulación de la acción en el territorio.Palabras clave: Territorio; Poder; Política; Minería.


2017 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 14
Author(s):  
Germán Rey

Del dicho al hecho. El trecho recorrido por algunas políticas culturales colombianasResumen El Compendio de Políticas culturales de Colombia (2010) es el panorama escrito más completo de las políticas culturales nacionales. Pero, aun así, se trata de una fotografía de un momento, no solo porque ellas se transforman por las decisiones del Estado, sino porque las dinámicas sociales –por ejemplo, las locales y las regionales– las hacen evolucionar. Si se observara a través de una suerte de microscopio de lo simbólico lo que Michel de Certeau denominó el “hormiguero” de la cultura, las políticas públicas aparecerían como un campo en constante movimiento, con continuidades, desencuentros, fracasos, resistencias y caminos heterodoxos.From Saying to Doing. The Path Covered by Some Colombian Cultural PoliciesAbstractThe Compendium of Cultural Policies of Colombia (2010) is the most comprehensive written panorama of national cultural policies. But, even as such, it is a photograph of a moment, not only because these policies are transformed by the decisions of the state, but also because the social dynamics –for example, at the local and regional level– make them evolve. If one observes through a kind of microscope of the symbolic what Michel de Certeau called the "anthill" of culture, public policies would appear as a field in constant movement, with continuities, disagreements, failures, resistances and heterodox paths.KeywordsPolicies of reading and libraries; policies of cinematography; policies of entrepreneurship and cultural industries; plans of culture, ColombiaRemaska  y ruraska. Ñambe poreska sug política culturalkuna colombiape.Maillallachiska:Chi comprendio política culturalkuna Colombiape (2010) kam panorama kilkaska más completo política cultural nacional. Pero chasapas, tratarenme sug retrato sug retratomanda manak trukaren kuname decisión estadomanda, arre mana chi dinamika socialkuna. Sug ejemplo  localkuna y regionalkuna- rurankuna kaugsachii. Kauarenra sug microscopio simbolikope ima Miguel de  Certeau nirka, sug “Achka añanguina” culturape, chi políticas públicas. Kauarerka sug campo iapa kuiurikugsina, suiuchispa, desencuentros, fracasos, resistencias y ñambekuna heterodoxos.Rimangapa Ministidukuna:Política de  lectura y bibliotecas, política de cinematografía, política de empoderamiento e industrias  culturales, planes de cultura, Colombia. Dès le dicton au fait. Le chemin couvert par certaines politiques culturelles colombiennesRésuméLe Compendium des politiques culturelles de la Colombie (2010) est le panorama écrit le plus complet des politiques culturelles nationales. Pourtant, c'est une photographie de l’instant, non seulement parce qu'elles sont transformées par les décisions de l'État, mais parce que les dynamiques sociales –par exemple, locales et régionales– les font évoluer. Si l'on observe à travers une sorte de microscope du symbolique ce que Michel de Certeau appelait le « fourmilier » de la culture, les politiques publiques apparaîtraient comme un champ en mouvement constant, avec des continuités, des désaccords, des échecs, des résistances et des chemins hétérodoxes.Mots clésPolitique de la lecture et des bibliothèques; politique de la cinématographie; politique de l'entrepreneuriat et des industries culturelles; plans de culture; ColombieDO DITADO AO FATO. O TRECHO PERCORRIDO POR ALGUMAS POLÍTICAS CULTURAIS COLOMBIANAS.Germán RResumoO Compêndio de Políticas Culturais da Colômbia (2010) 1 é o panorama escrito mais completo das políticas Culturais nacionais. Mas mesmo assim, se trata de uma fotografia de um momento, não só porque elas se transformam pelas decisões do Estado, senão porque também as dinâmicas sociais – por exemplo as locais e as regionais – as fazem evolucionar.  Se observa-se através de uma sorte de microscópio do simbólico o que Michel de Certeau denominou o “hormiguero” da cultura, as políticas públicas apareceriam como um campo em constante movimento, com continuidades, desencontros, fracasos, resistências e caminhos heterodoxos.Palavras-chavePolítica de leitura e bibliotecas; política de cinematografia; política de empreendimento e indústrias culturais, planos de cultura; Colômbia


2017 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 283
Author(s):  
Imam Sukardi

The political concept of Alfarabi is derivated from the concept of Platonic, Aristotelian, and Islam. The ideal state is the state which is elaborated the universal values of humanism, not just limited to certain ethnic and nation which is emphasizing its obedience just to God, not the something else. In this paper, the writer tried to interpret the original works of Alfarabi which is directly related to his political thought and the other thinkers who are studying his political thought. In his political thought, Alfarabi emphasized that the main purpose of the state is to make the social-welfare for its citizens. Based on the organic theory, Alfarabi stated that the government of the state is just look-like the human organism system. In which, each of the existing element functioned to strengthen each other to achieve one goal. The ideal state for Alfarabi is the state which is having the goals for its citizen welfare, and who become the prime leader is a philosopher, who is having the prophetic character, having the wider knowledge, and able to communicate with al 'aql al fa’al trough al ‘aql mustafad. 


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