scholarly journals PARTAI DEMOKRASI INDONESIA PERJUANGAN DALAM PERSAINGAN POLITIK DI BALI TAHUN 1999-2019

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 106
Author(s):  
I Wayan Agus Pebriana
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Political Competition ◽  
Symbolic Capital ◽  
Political Support ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Order ◽  
Antonio Gramsci ◽  
Dominant Party ◽  
The Reformation

ABSTRACK This study seeks to reveal the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) in the political competition in Bali in 1999-2019. The change in the power system from the New Order to the Reformation has resulted in significant changes in the political system. At the local political level in Bali there is a shift in political power. Previously, during the New Order era, political power was controlled by Golkar, now it has begun to shift to the PDI-P. The problems discussed in this study are (1) how was the PDI-P's role in political competition in Bali from 1999-2019 (2) Why PDI-P managed to emerge as a competitor in political competition in Bali (3) What was the competition from the success of the PDI -P emerged as the dominant party in Bali. This study uses historical theory, especially historical explanations and historical cause and effect as well as theoretical assistance from social science, namely Leadership from Antonio Gramsci. The results show that throughout the post-New Order election, PDI-P managed to emerge as the dominant party in Bali from 1999-2019. The success of the PDI-P to emerge as the dominant party in Bali is inseparable from the success of the PDI-P in utilizing the symbolic capital of the past as Soekarno's party, the PDI-P has also succeeded in building a system of alliances with various community groups that provide political support, and the PDI-P has succeeded in reforming the system. party organization. this had implications for the success of the PDI-P in realizing the party's agenda. Keywords: PDI-P, Election, Political Competition, Domination

scholarly journals Kidungan Jula-juli in East Java: Media of Criticism and Propaganda (From The Japanese Occupation Era to The Reform Order in Indonesia)

2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-90
Author(s):  
Aris Setiawan
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Performing Arts ◽  
Political Support ◽  
New Order ◽  
Japanese Occupation ◽  
Detailed Understanding ◽  
Independence Movement ◽  
The Reformation ◽  
Historical Issues

This research aims to determine the historical construction of criticism and propaganda formed in Kidungan Jula-juli performance in each era. Kidungan is a song in the Gending Jula-juli in East Java. The musical text presented in the song seems to be open (blak-blakan [openness]), assertive, and emotionally becomes the power of criticism. Historical issues concerning the function of Kidungan Jula-juli are interesting enough to be known, thus encouraging this study to get a basic and detailed understanding of the historical stages of the role of Kidungan Jula-juli from the Japanese era to the reformation era. This study using a historical approach and emphasizes the problem of music function. The analysis was carried out by looking at the ideas, concepts, and cultural references that accompanied the performance of Kidungan Jula-juli. The results of this study indicate the dynamics of the function of criticism and propaganda in Kidungan Jula-juli. During the Japanese occupation era, Kidungan Jula-juli was very sharp in its role as an instrument of the independence movement; from 1950 to 1965, Kidungan Jula-juli was used by political parties to strengthen political support and propaganda. In the New Order Era, kidungan lost the function of criticism.  The state controlled it for the sake of propaganda and the legitimacy of power.  Kidungan Jula-juli is more open and present on a stage with other performing arts in the era of the reform order.

scholarly journals Redistributive Politics in Russia: The Political Economy of Agricultural Subsidies

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vasyl Kvartiuk ◽  
Thomas Herzfeld
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Political Competition ◽  
The Political ◽  
Voter Mobilization ◽  
Agricultural Subsidies ◽  
Redistributive Politics ◽  
Dominant Party ◽  
Autocratic Regime ◽  
Fertile Ground ◽  
Large Farms

Abstract This paper explores whether redistributive politics can explain differences in agricultural subsidies in Russia, a country whose autocratic regime represents a fertile ground for strategic redistribution. Relying on political economy literature, we examine the strategies regional and federal Russian politicians utilize to allocate and distribute agricultural subsidies. Using unique 2008–2015 panel data, we test whether politicians target loyal or easily swayed voters and whether they use large farms as vote brokers. We find federal and regional politicians to allocate more agricultural subsidies when political competition against the dominant party is higher. Moreover, they appear to also target large farms for voter mobilization.

scholarly journals The Political Salience of Cultural Difference: Why Chewas and Tumbukas Are Allies in Zambia and Adversaries in Malawi

2004 ◽  
Vol 98 (4) ◽  
pp. 529-545 ◽  
Author(s):  
DANIEL N. POSNER
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Differences ◽  
Cultural Difference ◽  
Natural Experiment ◽  
Political Competition ◽  
Political Support ◽  
Coalition Building ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Political Coalition ◽  
Large Groups

This paper explores the conditions under which cultural cleavages become politically salient. It does so by taking advantage of the natural experiment afforded by the division of the Chewa and Tumbuka peoples by the border between Zambia and Malawi. I document that, while the objective cultural differences between Chewas and Tumbukas on both sides of the border are identical, the political salience of the division between these communities is altogether different. I argue that this difference stems from the different sizes of the Chewa and Tumbuka communities in each country relative to each country's national political arena. In Malawi, Chewas and Tumbukas are each large groups vis-à-vis the country as a whole and, thus, serve as viable bases for political coalition-building. In Zambia, Chewas and Tumbukas are small relative to the country as a whole and, thus, not useful to mobilize as bases of political support. The analysis suggests that the political salience of a cultural cleavage depends not on the nature of the cleavage itself (since it is identical in both countries) but on the sizes of the groups it defines and whether or not they will be useful vehicles for political competition.

scholarly journals GAGURITAN RUSAK BULELENG SEBUAH KAJIAN NILAI-NILAI

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 28-36
Author(s):  
Kertiasih Ni Nyoman
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Political Competition ◽  
Cultural Value ◽  
Value Systems ◽  
The Political ◽  
Educational Values ◽  
Indonesian Archipelago ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
Colonial Government

Gaguritan Rusak Buleleng, Gedong Kirtya collection can provide an overview of heroic historical events in North Bali. The incident occurred in 1846, causing the kingdom of Buleleng fell into the hands of the Dutch invaders. At that time the situation showed that Dutch political power was expanding its influence in the Indonesian Archipelago. Bali began to be targeted by the colonial government in the mid-19th century. The values that can be extracted from the GRB story can be mentioned: the value of unity, togetherness, leadership, educational values, religious values, political / diplomacy values, and the value of the competition for political power between political forces. As part of the content analysis approach model, it can be mentioned, various contexts of the situation, cultural value systems influence in it. In that connection, it seems to influence the system of values of harmony, unity of the Balinese, the value of the political competition of the kings of Bali, the value of traditional Balinese traditions, and the colonial political system that is developing.

“A Gleam of Light in Asia”

2019 ◽  
pp. 177-207
Author(s):  
Geoffrey B. Robinson
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Political Support ◽  
The Political ◽  
The West ◽  
The Third ◽  
Psychological Warfare ◽  
Army Leadership ◽  
Mass Killings ◽  
Principal Elements

This chapter argues that in the crucial six months after the alleged coup of October 1, 1965, Western powers encouraged the army to move forcefully against the Left, facilitated widespread violence including mass killings, and helped to consolidate the political power of the army. In doing so, they helped to bring about the political and physical destruction of the PKI and its affiliates, the removal of Sukarno and his closest associates from political power, their replacement by an army elite led by General Suharto, and a seismic shift in Indonesia's foreign policy toward the West and the capitalist model it advocated. The concerted campaign by foreign powers had three principal elements. The first was a pattern of secret assurances to the army leadership of political support and noninterference in Indonesia's internal affairs. The second was a sophisticated psychological warfare campaign designed to tarnish the PKI and Sukarno, and stir up opposition to them both inside Indonesia and abroad. The third element of the campaign was a carefully calibrated program of material assistance to the army, thereby facilitating and effectively rewarding the army's campaign against the PKI and Sukarno.

The Christian Democrats of Venezuela

1965 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 245-267
Author(s):  
Franklin Tugwell
Keyword(s):  
Economic Development ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Human Dignity ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Political Competition ◽  
Representative Government ◽  
Christian Democratic Party ◽  
Political Legitimation ◽  
The Sacrifice

Representative government in Venezuela is in its infancy. Experience with the techniques of political competition within a democratic framework has until recently been almost non-existent. Yet the vigor and determination with which strides toward economic development and political legitimation are being executed suggest that perhaps the nation may be able to accomplish the task of creating a stable and effective polity without the sacrifice of respect for human dignity that has been so commonplace elsewhere. Political parties have had a key role in this process; they have, in effect, been instruments of transition.This essay analyzes the evolution and growth of one of these parties — the Christian Democratic party — an organization which, ranking second in size only to Rómulo Betancourt's Acción Democrática, stands today in a pivotal position in the nation's distribution of political power.

The Politics of Financialization in the United States, 1949–2005

2014 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
pp. 349-370 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher Witko
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Working Class ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Political Power ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Costs And Benefits ◽  
Financial Industry ◽  
Financial Activity ◽  
Financial Deregulation

Financial activity has become increasingly important in affluent economies in recent decades. Because this ‘financialization’ distributes costs and benefits unevenly across groups, politics and policy likely affect the process. Therefore, this article discusses how changes in the power of organizations representing the ‘winners’ and ‘losers’ of financialization affect its pace. An analysis of the United States from 1949–2005, shows that when unions are stronger, and when the Democratic Party is in power and is more reliant on the support of working-class voters, financialization is slower. In contrast, when the financial industry is more highly mobilized into politics, financialization is faster. The study also finds that financial deregulation was one policy translating the political power of these actors into economic outcomes.

scholarly journals TRANSFORMASI GERAKAN SOSIAL KE PARTAI POLITIK KIPRAH POLITIK PARTAI RAKYAT DEMOKRATIK DI MASA REFORMASI

2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Gili Argenti
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Student Movement ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Order ◽  
Study Group ◽  
Public Attention ◽  
Reform Era ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
The Government

In the New Order era (Orde Baru), the end of the 1970s until the early 1990s, the student movement is faced with repressive measures, a policy of limiting the political activities of students applied, then the search for a new format motion is a must. The study group is an option to avoid the political power. In the expansion, the study group turns into a political party, the People’s Democratic Party (PRD). The emergence of the PRD as an opposition party to the New Order Indonesian political public attention, because of their political program is so radical. Also, the communist stigma attached by the government to the party’s young people reap the reaction of pro and cons in the community. After the collapse of the New Order, PRD became an electoral party but failed to reap the support of voters. This paper describes the process of changing the format of the student movement of the 1990s, from the study group into action committees, later became a political party, in this paper also described the political progress of PRD in the reform era. 

scholarly journals DARI AKSI HINGGA PESTA DEMOKRASI: DINAMIKA PARTAI RAKYAT DEMOKRATIK MENUJU PEMILU (1996-1999)

2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Cahyo Susilo
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
Urban Poor ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Historical Event ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Order ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
The People ◽  
Political Act ◽  
The Impact

This research illustrated the historical event in Indonesia, especially in 1990s period. The study examined the development of People Democratic Party as one of the political parties in the New Order regime. This research-based on the author’s interest in the pro-democracy movement’s widespread in Indonesia, evidenced by the resistance movement of peoples, in this case, is the People Democratic Party. The study aimed to identify programs and strategies of the People Democratic Party to build a pro-democracy movement in the 1996-1999 period. The author used the historical method. People Democratic Party was one of the political party which develop at that time and had a political movement to subvert a New Order regime. People Democratic Party often referred to as a radical political party, because of the political program that confronted the New Order regime namely to eliminate the Indonesian National Armed ForcesDual function, to eliminate a five-pack of Political Act and Timor-Timur referendum. The impact, People Democratic Party regarded as a forbidden party and accused as the actor behind July 27th 1996 tragedy. After the tragedy, the People Democratic Party arose with people’s committees. The four elements of People Democratic Party namely (1) the urban poor, (2) workers, (3) youth people, (4) PDI-Megawati supporters. After 1998 Reformation, People Democratic Party declared as a legal party and has participated as a contestant of 1999 electoral. People Democratic Party argued that the Electoral system is a moment for campaigning political programs. Several thingsin the campaign was about amnesty for political prisoners, completion of Civil Rights violation cases, and people’s political rights.

scholarly journals THE RELATIONSHIP AMONGST SOEHARTO, MILITARY, AND MUSLIM IN THE END OF NEW ORDER REGIME

2016 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Abdul Haris Fatgehipon
Keyword(s):  
Political Power ◽  
Vice President ◽  
General Assembly ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Order ◽  
Military Officers ◽  
Muslim Scholar ◽  
High Ranking ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Relationship

<p>In the end of Suharto's authority, he began to embrace the power of Islam; he realized the position of Muslims was very important and strategic. While some high-ranking military, like LB Moerdani felt unhappy with business built by Soeharto’s family. Suharto built a new political power through the ICMI (Indonesian Muslim Scholar) organization. The emergence of ICMI has been confronted by much of the military officers, they assessed that ICMI shaped sectarian mindset, Gus Dur as NU leader also did not approve the establishment of ICMI. ICMI was chaired by BJ Habibie who at that time had a special affinity with Suharto that made ICMI has the most important role in Indonesian and clout. At the end of Suharto's power, he embraced the power of the Muslim Civilians, Reviews such as ICMI and Muhammadiyah organization. He tried to minimize the political dependence on the military. Hereinafter, Habibie has successfully elected as a vice president of Indonesia based on the general assembly in 1998, after the riots in May 1998, Habibie replaced Suharto's position that has discharged due to students and citizens' demonstrations. By the pretense of the 1945 constitution, the military endorsed the nomination of BJ Habibie as president.</p><p> </p><p>Pada akhir otoritas Soeharto, ia mulai merangkul kekuatan Islam; ia menyadari posisi Muslim sangat penting dan strategis. Sementara beberapa petinggi militer, seperti LB Moerdani merasa tidak bahagia dengan bisnis gurita yang dibangun oleh keluarga Soeharto. Soeharto membangun kekuatan politik baru melalui organisasi ICMI (Indonesian Muslim Scholar). Munculnya ICMI telah dihadapkan oleh banyak perwira militer, mereka menilai ICMI berbentuk pola pikir sektarian, Gus Dur sebagai pemimpin NU juga tidak menyetujui berdirinya ICMI. ICMI dipimpin oleh BJ Habibie yang pada waktu itu me-miliki kedekatan khusus dengan Soeharto yang membuat ICMI memiliki peran paling penting dalam Indonesia dan pengaruh. Pada akhir kekuasaan Soeharto, ia memeluk kekuatan Sipil Muslim, Ulasan seperti ICMI dan Muhammadiyah organisasi. Dia mencoba untuk meminimalkan ketergantungan politik pada militer. Selanjutnya, Habibie telah berhasil terpilih sebagai wakil presiden Indonesia berdasarkan sidang umum pada tahun 1998, setelah kerusuhan Mei 1998, Habibie menggantikan posisi Soeharto yang telah habis karena mahasiswa dan de-monstrasi warga. Dengan berdasar UUD 1945, militer mendukung pencalonan BJ Habibie sebagai presiden.</p><p> </p>

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