scholarly journals Moldovan diaspora's social networks: political mobilization and participation

2020 ◽  
Vol 338 ◽  
pp. 323-334
Author(s):  
Ciobanu Rodica ◽  
Rosca Mariana
Keyword(s):  
Social Networks ◽  
Decisive Role ◽  
Political Mobilization ◽  
The Political ◽  
Active Engagement ◽  
Sovereign State ◽  
State Construction ◽  
Current Article ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Political Economic

In the early 90s, the Republic of Moldova declared its independence and began to build a sovereign state. The state construction was characterized by severe political, economic and social crises that pushed many Moldovans to leave the country and look for a better life abroad. Once settled abroad, many Moldovans kept in contact with their homeland via online platforms. Additionally, they began to create online communities and social networks, and start using them as main tools to inform and share the information, to debate the political situation at home and share some opportunities. Later on, social networks became a place for political mobilization and a source of transnational influence and transfer of innovation back home. Drawing on a qualitative analysis of diaspora´s social networks the current article acknowledges their potential to engage and mobilize the political participation of the Moldovan diaspora. Such a practice is an example of active engagement and solidarity with the Moldovans back home and points out the decisive role that Moldovan diaspora can play for the country of origin transformation. Therefore the article concludes that social networks transcended their initial aim and transformed into a space of political mobilization and participation.

From Consensus to a Crisis of Confidence

2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin C. Waterhouse
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
New Deal ◽  
Liberal Democracy ◽  
Political Mobilization ◽  
Business Leaders ◽  
The Political ◽  
Cultural Changes ◽  
Mass Consumption ◽  
Recent Scholarship ◽  
Political Economic

This chapter outlines the political, economic, and cultural changes that combined to enflame business's “crisis of confidence” and incite its political mobilization in the late 1960s and early 1970s. It suggests that this experience marked a departure from the early postwar years often described as one of “liberal consensus.” Traditionally, the liberal consensus framework argued that the intense class-oriented battles between labor and business of the Progressive and New Deal periods cooled down after the war, when Cold War imperatives prompted both sides to unite around ideals of liberal democracy and the promise of mass consumption. However, recent scholarship has convincingly demonstrated that many prominent business leaders never accepted New Deal-style liberalism and in fact campaigned actively and vehemently for its rollback from the 1930s onward.

scholarly journals POLICY AND PRACTICE: REFLEKSI PERJANJIAN DAMAI HELSINKI 2005-2018: KESUKSESAN DAN TANTANGAN KEDEPAN

2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-51
Author(s):  
M. Ya'kub Aiyub Kadir
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Policy And Practice ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
Sustainable Peace ◽  
The People ◽  
Free Aceh Movement ◽  
Cultural Status ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
Political Economic

This paper is a reflection of the peace agreement between the Free Aceh Movement and the Government of Indonesia from 2005 to 2018. There have been improvement after a decade but there are still challenges that must be realized. The Helsinki Memorandum of Understanding (known as Helsinky peace agreement) on 15 August 2005 resulted a consensus that Aceh could have greater rights than before, as stipulated in the Law on Governing Aceh number 11/2006. Thus, Aceh has more authorities to redefine the political, economic, social and cultural status in the Republic of Indonesia system. This paper attempts to analyze this problem through a historical description of the movement of the Acehnese people, in the hope of contributing to increasing understanding of the concept of the Helsinki peace agreement in the context of sustainable peace and welfare improvement for the people of Aceh

scholarly journals A POLÍTICA DE CARIDADE, ASSISTÊNCIA E PROTEÇÃO À INFÂNCIA DESVALIDA EM BELÉM DO PARÁ: DO IMPÉRIO À REPÚBLICA

2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (6) ◽  
pp. 34
Author(s):  
Laura Maria Silva Araújo Alves
Keyword(s):  
19Th Century ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Protection Policy ◽  
Childhood Care ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
The City

<p>O objetivo deste artigo é trazer a lume a política de caridade, assistência e proteção à infância desvalida em Belém do Pará, do período que se estende do Império à República. No século XIX, a infância deveria ser assistida na capital do Pará em decorrência da política idealizada e implementada pela elite paraense. Assim, a infância que precisava ser assistida era designada de “órfã” e “exposta”. A primeira, dizia respeito, também, à criança que tinha perdido um dos pais, e a segunda, chamada, também, “enjeitada” ou “desvalida”, correspondia à criança que alguém não quis cuidar ou receber. Este artigo está divido em três partes. Na primeira, situo a cidade de Belém do Pará, em termos políticos, econômicos e sociais, no cenário do Brasil República, em interface com a infância. Na segunda parte, destaco as políticas assistenciais e filantrópicas no atendimento à infância no Pará e o ideário higienista. E, por fim, na terceira, trago à cena algumas instituições que foram criadas em Belém do Pará, no período do Império à República, para abrigar a criança órfã e desvalida.</p><p> </p><p><strong>ABSTRACT</strong></p><p>The objective of this article is to bring to light the charity, assistance and protection policy for disfavored childhood in Belém-PA, from the period of the Empire to the Brazilian Republic. In the 19th century, children should be assisted in the capital of the state of  Pará as a result of the political idealization implemented by this state’s elite. Therefore, the ones who needed to be assisted were designated as “orphans” or “exposed”. The former ones, not exclusively, were the children who had lost one of their parents; the latter ones, also referred to as “rejected” or “disfavored”, corresponded to the children none would look after or welcome. This article is divided into three parts. In the first, the city of  Belém is situated in political, economic and social terms, interfaced with childhood, in the scenario of the Brazilian Republic. In the second, the assistance and philanthropic policies for childhood care, as well as the hygienist ideas, are highlighted. Finally, institutions created to shelter orphan and disfavored children in Belém, from the period of the Empire to the Republic, are brought to centre stage.</p><p><strong>Keywords: </strong>Grão Pará. Childhood. Disfavored Children. Hygienism. Welfarism. Philantropy.</p>

scholarly journals The USSR Victory in World War II and the Emergence of the Independent Republic of Indonesia

2015 ◽  
pp. 85-96
Author(s):  
L. M. Efimova
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Far East ◽  
Decisive Role ◽  
World War ◽  
Sovereign State ◽  
World War 2 ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Military

Victorious ending of the World War 2 on May, 9, 1945, stroke a crushing blow on the military axis Berlin - Rome - Tokyo. The USSR played a decisive role both on European and Asian fronts. Fulfilling its allied duty the Soviet Union entered the war in the Far East on 9 August, 1945 and defeated the Japanese army in Manchuria. This act became a great contribution to liberation of Asian peoples from the Japanese occupation. On the 17 August 1945 the Republic of Indonesia declared its independence. The recognition on the side of international community as well as diplomatic support became\e vital for the survival of the newly emerged Republic.The Soviet victory together with the allied nations in the Second World War, the new status of the USSR as a superpower, its constant anticolonial stance stimulated former colonies to appeal to the Soviet Union for backing and support. One of the first was the Republic of Indonesia, to which the USSR rendered all kind of help and encourages. The present article which is a result of the study of newly available documents from several recently opened Soviet archives shows the Soviet backing of Indonesia in the UN, its diplomatic recognition, in strengthening of Indonesian status as a sovereign state on the international arena as a whole.

Aspecte privind evoluția numerică a populației municipiului Chișinău în perioada 1990-2019

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elena Sochirca ◽  
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Social Changes ◽  
Urban Center ◽  
Republic Of Moldova ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
Intellectual Potential

This article analyzes the numerical evolution of the population of Chisinau municipality over the last three decades. There are highlighted several stages in the numerical evolution of the population of the municipality, determined by the political, economic and social changes that took place on the territory of the Republic of Moldova. In the last decade, the population of Chisinau municipality has increased, this being the main urban center and space attraction of the population, in which the main economic and intellectual potential of the republic is concentrated.

Witchcraft in Africa: Political Power and Spiritual Insecurity from the Precolonial Era to the Present

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sean Redding
Keyword(s):  
Social Networks ◽  
Slave Trade ◽  
Political Power ◽  
P Systems ◽  
The Political ◽  
Global Trade ◽  
Social Landscape ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
Atlantic Slave Trade ◽  
Political Economic

Historically, witchcraft in Africa has not comprised a stable or uniform set of beliefs. The idea of witchcraft, which might loosely be defined as the belief that people exist who use supernatural means to harm others, has existed in African societies from the precolonial, through the colonial, and into the postcolonial periods. But ideas about the kinds of powers that witches are alleged to use and the types of people often accused of using witchcraft have shifted in response to the changing political, economic, and social landscape. While witchcraft beliefs can sometimes be understood as metaphors for political forces and social ills, they must also be understood as separate systems of signs and meanings that have their own historical trajectories rooted in local cultures. Beliefs in witchcraft are beliefs in systems of power derived from unseen forces, and for those people who believe in supernatural powers those forces are quite real and are not merely metaphorical allusions to other phenomena. In the precolonial era, the political power that many chiefs and kings had was based in supernatural powers; these occult powers were potentially usable for either positive, socially accepted ends or for evil, selfish, and greedy ends. In the colonial and postcolonial eras, states and politicians have also been seen to have supernatural powers but are believed to have used them largely for self-enrichment or empowerment. Systems of global trade, including the trans-Atlantic slave trade and later colonial production of various commodities, both created wealth for a few and inflicted harm on many people. The perceived immorality of these economic and social networks was often captured in stories of witches ambushing people and selling them or consuming their life forces. The spiritual insecurity represented in these beliefs in witchcraft has continued into the postcolonial era.

Political Mobilization and Social Unrest in Rural Portugal in the Early Twentieth Century: The Example of Montemor-o-Novo between 1908 and 1918

2020 ◽  
Vol 50 (1) ◽  
pp. 44-65
Author(s):  
Jesús-Ángel Redondo Cardeñoso
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Social Life ◽  
Local Level ◽  
Political Mobilization ◽  
Early Years ◽  
Social Unrest ◽  
Early Twentieth Century ◽  
Republican Movement ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Political Economic

This article studies the different expressions of political mobilization and social unrest that occurred in rural Portugal during the early twentieth century. To do so, it offers an investigation at local level, using as an example the municipality of Montemor-o-Novo, part of the Alentejo region, in the southern half of the country, and covers the years of unrest marked by the fall of the monarchy and the early years of the Republic (1908–1918). This research focuses on the analysis of three aspects: the acts of political mobilization associated with the republican movement; the expansion of associations and conflict associated with the workers’ movement; and the protests associated with the absence of basic foodstuffs resulting from the Great War. In doing so, the article aims to show how the rural Portuguese population in the early twentieth century played an active and dynamic role in the political and social life of the country by means of very different forms of collective mobilization (such as meetings, demonstrations, strikes and riots), resulting from a wide variety of political, economic, or labour-related circumstances.

Political Mobilization and Violence in Central Luzon (Philippines)

1973 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 691-705 ◽  
Author(s):  
Otto D. Van Den Muijzenberg
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Decisive Role ◽  
Political Mobilization ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Popular Front ◽  
The Political ◽  
The North ◽  
Peasant Movement ◽  
Set Up

Central Luzon is a fertile plain directly to the north of metropolitan Manila. This region, thoroughly colonized and densely populated, has been a centre of agrarian unrest for decades. In the forties and fifties Central Luzon formed the nucleus of a peasant movement which produced the strongest anti-Japanese guerilla-army in the whole Southeast Asia, the Hukbalahap (an abbreviation of Anti-Japanese People's Army) or in short Huks. The strength of this army came primarily from the fact that the struggle against the national enemy could be combined with the pre-war conflict between the peasants and the landowners.The latter, together with the Constabulary, sided for the most part with the Japanese. At the time of the liberation in 1945 most of the local and provincial administration was in the hands of the Huks. However,having quickly regained the top positions, the political elite, who feared having quickly regained the top positions, the political elite, who feared to this. When this elite first refused to allow the radical people's represen-tatives delegated from Central Luzon to take their seats in parliament,and then attempted to recapture political mastery in Central Luzon by means of force, the Huk movement was compelled to adopt an ever more militant attitude.In the process,the leadership of the popular front set up by the Hukbalahap moved more and more towards the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP). The result was no less than a complete incorporation of all guerillas into the CPP in 1950. It had already been decided in 1948 that the policy of a parliamentary and legal conflict which had hitherto been pursued was not adiquate,and that force would have to play a decisive role. The Anti-Japanese People's Army was re-christened the People's Liberation Army(HMB).i

scholarly journals The Genesis of Advertising Communication in the Republic of Belarus: The Ontological Status

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tatiana Solodovnikova
Keyword(s):  
Technological Factor ◽  
High Sensitivity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Factor ◽  
Sovereign State ◽  
Goods And Services ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Advertising Communication

The paper presents the research based on the Belarus’s archival materials to trace the genesis of advertising communication starting from the 10th century to present-day Republic of Belarus. The work reveals that the formation and development of advertising communication evolved on the basis of European-wide traditions, but had a number of specific peculiarities. If the technological factor prevails to the forms of advertising communication and ways to reach the target audience, the social political factor has predetermined the content and role of advertising in modern Belarusian society: in the absence of a sovereign state and profound territorial fragmentation, advertising activities in Belarus appeared as a result of the manufacturers’ needs to promote their goods and services. The specifics of advertising communication in the Republic of Belarus are manifested in the slower rate of development progress in comparison to the European level and in the high sensitivity to the political context.

scholarly journals La crisis hegemónica y el fin del Antiguo Régimen chileno en el marco de las elecciones presidenciales de 1970: una reflexión desde la Sociología-Histórica

2017 ◽  
pp. 80
Author(s):  
Claudio Riveros
Keyword(s):  
Historical Sociology ◽  
Political Mobilization ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
The Political ◽  
Theoretical Argument ◽  
Critical Perspective ◽  
Salvador Allende ◽  
Ancient Regime ◽  
Electoral Mobilization ◽  
Political Economic

<p>El presente artículo tiene por objeto estudiar el término crisis hegemónica, aplicándolo a un período en particular de la historia de Chile. Se argumenta teóricamente, que se está en tiempos de crisis hegemónica, cuando se interrogan y cuestionan los valores predominantes en una sociedad. En concreto, se sitúa el análisis en el período previo a la elección de Salvador Allende (y al momento de su elección), pues dicho período daría cuenta de un proceso contra-hegemónico. En rigor, se afirma que la crisis hegemónica se produjo, por una parte, por una ingente movilización política; y por otra (y principalmente), por el quiebre del consenso político al interior del sistema de partidos. Al mismo tiempo, se sostiene que la crisis hegemónica era una “realidad” que solo se hizo efectiva al momento en que Allende fue elegido presidente, pese a que el <em>Antiguo Régimen</em> era una estructura político-económica que se encontraba en franca descomposición. El artículo se divide en dos partes: en la primera, se despliegan de manera crítica las distintas tesis que han circulado para explicar la existencia (o no) de una crisis hegemónica para el período que antecede y rodea a la elección de Salvador Allende, aunque centrando el análisis en las propuestas de dos autores, a saber, Arturo Valenzuela (2013) y Atilio Borón (1975). En la segunda parte, se expone porqué es correcto hablar de crisis hegemónica para el período en cuestión, argumentando que ésta se produjo debido a una polarización antagónica al interior del sistema institucional, pero que fue acompañado por fuera producto de una movilización político-electoral que puso fin al <em>Antiguo Régimen</em>.</p><p><strong> </strong></p><p><strong>Palabras claves:</strong></p><p>Crisis hegemónica/ Clases dirigentes/Antiguo Régimen/Polarización/Movilización político-electoral</p><p> </p><p> </p><p><strong>The hegemonic crisis and the end of the <em>Old Chilean Regime</em> during the 1970’s presidential election. A study from the point of view of the Historical Sociology</strong></p><p align="center"> </p><p align="center"><strong>ABSTRACT</strong></p><p align="center"> </p><p>This article deals with the concept of “hegemonic crisis”, applying it to a specific period in the Chilean history. The theoretical argument is that there is a hegemonic crisis when the prevailing values of the society are being questioned. Specifically, we analyze the period before the election of Salvador Allende (and upon election), because said period would correspond to a counter-hegemonic process. Strictly speaking, it is stated that, on one hand, the hegemonic crisis was due to a huge political mobilization and, on the other, due to the breaking point of the political agreement among the political parties. Also, we state that the hegemonic crisis was a “reality” that came to life when Allende was elected president, although the <em>Ancient Regime</em> was a decaying political-economic structure. The article is made up by two parts: in the first, we analyze, from a critical perspective, the different theories that explain the existence (or absence) of a hegemonic crisis in the period before and during the election of Salvador Allende; the analysis is focused on the proposals made by two authors, Arturo Valenzuela (2013) and Atilio Borón (1975). In the second part, we explain why it is correct referring to a hegemonic crisis for the period in question, arguing that this occurred due to an antagonistic polarization within the institutional system, together with a political-electoral mobilization that put an end to the <em>Ancient Regime</em>.</p><p> </p><p>Keywords:</p><p>Hegemonic crisis / The establishment / Ancient Regime / Polarization / Political-electoral mobilization</p>

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