scholarly journals The Role of Land Conflict and Land Conflict Resolution in a Peace Process: Mozambique's Return to Agriculture

Refuge ◽  
1997 ◽  
pp. 28-33 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jon D. Unruh

The massive return and reintegration of refugees and displaced persons in Mozambique (the largest in the histoy of Africa) has pushed land tenure issues to the fore in the county's peace process. While land re-access for the six million dislocatees is critical for food, security and political stability, conflict over land resources has become a primary concern of the government and both the regional and international community participating in Mozambique's recovery. Based on data recently collected over a year-and-a-half in Mozambique, this paper will look at the problematic issues of land access, land conflict, and land conflict resolution emerging from the recent 16 year war, and highlight the role of organizations from the national to the international, in land conflict resolution.

2016 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 40-59
Author(s):  
Ayu Kurnia Utami

This study discusses Perdasus 23 Year 2008 about individual and communal rights of customary law society over the land through a case study in Jayapura and Biak Numfor. The special local regulation (Perdasus) is a part of the efforts to secure the customary society or the indigenous people of Papua. The aim of this study is to identify how far Perdasus 23 Year 2008 has been implemented in Jayapura and Biak Numfor. The study applies qualitative approach which data is collected through observations, interviews, and content analysis of related documents. The result of this study shows that Perdasus 23 Year 2008 is not implemented thoroughly. Although the regulation is not normatively implemented, it has been practically implemented through the initiatives of Jayapura and Biak Numfor government to carry out conflict resolution program in each region. In doing so, the government of Jayapura has done the communal right mapping of Port Numbay people, while the government of Biak Numfor issues a local regulation (Perbup) about the strategy of land conflict resolution by encouraging of the involvement of customary role and legitimation in the region. Eventhough these activities are not conducted in accordance with Perdasus 23 Year 2008, Jayapura has performed four substances of the “Perdasus”: research, mapping, management and identification, and land conflict resolution. Meanwhile, Biak Numfor regency has performed two substances: communal land management and land conflict resolution though they only fulfill some aspects of these substances when performing research and mapping. There are three aspects affecting the implementation of Perdasus in Jayapura and Biak Numfor. First, ineffective communication both from the policy maker to the policy implementer and from policy implementer to the people that causes confusion to the society regarding the policy. Second, the existing paradigm of local people who still believe that customary law is more powerful than civil law. Last but not the least is Government’s initiative to do an activity to protect the communal right of indigenous people of Papua.


1997 ◽  
Vol 151 ◽  
pp. 593-613 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chen Feng

With the end of the Deng Xiaoping era, China is struggling to define its future. Ongoing socioeconomic changes, impelled by Deng's reform since 1979, pose an unprecedented challenge to the post-Deng political leaders in terms of how to govern an increasingly open and economically prosperous but tension-ridden and potentially unstable society. This question also concerns many Chinese intellectuals and has actually become a new locus of intellectual political thinking. Contrary to the conventional wisdom that expanded economic freedom would foster the demands of political liberalization, the view prevailing in current Chinese intellectual circles is that of so-called neoconservatism.1 This term is loosely used to label a body of arguments calling for political stability, central authority, tight social control, role of ideology and nationalism.2 Such calls are also made by the government, but neoconservatism distinguishes itself from the official statements by defending the current political order from somehow different approaches and with very different rhetoric.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 1667 ◽  
Author(s):  
Juliet Katusiime ◽  
Brigitta Schütt

Land tenure is given attention in the general discussions on conservation and management of natural resources, but the necessary holistic approach to understand the linkages is less considered. Thus, we considered a watershed as a unit of reference and Integrated Watershed Management as a holistic land and water resources management approach with various roles and touchpoints with land tenure issues. To examine the role of land tenure on the management of natural resources in watersheds, we reviewed and compiled literature that captures watershed issues, integrating aspects of land tenure, and aiming to identify the key land tenure roles, dynamics, and its influences on integrated watershed management. Land tenure is observed playing various roles in watersheds and, thus, also on integrated watershed management as an approach—as a driver of change, influence for investment decisions, an incentive for adoption of practices, and leading to sustainability. Land tenure dynamics range from land tenure security, land tenure forms, land access and acquisition modalities, and how these aspects of land tenure relate with integrated watershed management.


Author(s):  
Ady Muzwardi ◽  
Z Zulhilmi

Aceh peace is a new dynamic on the resolution of conflicts in the region. Eight years have passed and the agreement was signed by the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) and the Indonesian Government, while the MoU (Memorandum of Understanding) agreed in 2005. The signing of the MoU symbolically ends Aceh conflict which is prolonged for three decades. Moreover the notable occurance that leads to the weakening of GAM strength is that by December 26, 2004 earthquake and tsunami has devastated the communities in terms of infrastructure and superstructure. While spirit to rebuild Aceh after the disaster emerged, amount of aid coming in the country from as well as foreign institutions such as NGO. The government of Indonesia took this chance to develop Aceh once again and approach GAM to release the tense, to take the path of peace. The government efforts succeed by personalized approach to one of the central figures of GAM.The conflict in Aceh reflects that lobbying skill from the government of Indonesia against GAM is quite excellent. To notice the reconstruction of Aceh peace agreement before, the Cessation of Hostility Agreement (COHA) initiated by the Henry Dunant Center (HDC) stalled. The struggle embodied in the MoU agreement which is initiated by the Crisis Management Initiative (CMI) actually formed by former Finnish President Martti Ahtisaari. While it is done further implementation is left to the Aceh Monitoring Mission (AMM) led by Pieter Feith. In this mission AMM successfully carry out their duties in accordance with the agreement so that it runs alltogether. AMM ended its duties on December 15, 2006 and successfully reconcile the peace process (AMM: 2006). Furthermore, Indonesian Government gives freedom of democracy actively for Aceh and GAM combatants.Troop’s withdrawal process also the destruction of non-organic military and police weapons of the GAM runs smoothly. Then the GAM combatants reintegrate into society, this task successfully executed by AMM. Furthermore, the Government implements the sustainability of the peace process systematically. Implementation of this peace process is necessary because people of Aceh are already saturated with conflict that endured so long. The people hope this peace could maintain significant and permanent. Fortunately all parties are able to hold theirselves up to prevent new conflicts. Above all, Aceh peace is also a very elegant example as a process of consensus building and conflict resolution models. Aceh peace could become a reference for other regions and countries in the world which is also facing separatist conflict issue.Moreover, Aceh peace could also sinergically perform post-tsunami reconstruction of the area. The Government creates the Rehabilitation and Reconstruction Agency (BRR) to reconstruct the area after the tsunami disaster. This peace model could also reintegrate and reconcile thw ex-combatant to back mingling with the public. Democratic process in Aceh is also running well, starting with local elections on December 11, 2006. Currently Aceh is very pleasant city for living and we expect peace in Aceh could maintain eternally.


2016 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 212-223 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gene Carolan

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to highlight the structural features that are proving central to the stability of the 2014 Comprehensive Agreement on the Bangsamoro between the Government of the Philippines and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front, and those features that were detrimental to its predecessors. Design/methodology/approach – This paper adopts a legalization framework derived from the model presented by Abbott et al. The simplicity of Abbott et al.’s theory allows for variation in the agreements’ text to be easily measured and compared. The inherent advantages of this model offset the difficulties in characterizing peace agreements under traditional legal methodologies, and reiterate the importance of legalized agreements in a conflict resolution context. Findings – This paper finds that a more highly legalized approach to peace-making has resulted in greater agreement stability in the Philippines. More precise in detail and inclusive in scope, the legal nature of the 2014 Comprehensive Agreement has made it more responsive to the root causes of the conflict, and resilient to incidents that threatened to derail the peace process. Practical implications – This case study bears valuable lessons for conflict zones the world over, particularly the troubled negotiations on Syria, and the crisis in Ukraine. The study: lends tentative support to Gopalan’s claim that agreements that exemplify hard legalization are much more sustainable in the long run; stresses the advantages of inclusivity in agreement sustainability and stability; reiterates the importance of addressing the key issues relevant to the conflict if the process is to be sustainable, and; notes the limitations of the legalization framework, but presents the Philippine example as a blueprint for addressing various aspects of the Syrian and Ukrainian conflicts. Originality/value – This is the first peer-reviewed analysis to explore the 2014 Comprehensive Agreement as a highly legalized conflict resolution instrument, and an adaptable template for peace agreement design generally.


1996 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 279-297 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lawrence Boudon

AbstractThis article examines the Colombian peace process since 1982, arguing that the government must strengthen the state and expand its presence into the remote areas in which the leftist guerrillas have established para-statal organisations. The traditionally weak Colombian state has allowed rebel groups to flourish in isolated areas. However, President Ernesto Samper has announced a new initiative that features an ambitious plan to strengthen the state. The plan includes judicial and social reforms that address many of the guerrilla demands, but also threaten to undermine their para-statal organisations. Massive oil discoveries and tax reforms could provide the necessary funding.


Jurnal Wasian ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 137-151
Author(s):  
Maria Palmolina ◽  

The purpose of this study is to conflict mapping, explain conflict style of stakeholder and choices of conflict resolution. This study was conducted in February 2017 in Cisantana Village, Kuningan Regency. Data were collected through participatory rural appraisal; interviews, field observation, documentation and focus group discussions. The study method was used Rapid Land Tenure Assessment (RaTA) and Dispute Style Analysis (AGATA). The results showed that the dominant conflict in TNGC was the change of forest status which affected the economic activities of the community around TNGC, that involved eight dominant actor. In a conflict, the stakeholder has a different style of dispute. The stakeholders was facilitated and mediated to propose a permit to manage Patulungan (parking management), and a permit to manage Ipukan (tourism guide). In this case, the role of outsiders who do not have a conflict relationship is needed in order to realize conflict resolution.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nurlian Nurlian

These conflicts arise because people demanded compensation for land area of 16.1 hectares that has been occupied for six months as a substitute homeland of the fishing community in the village of Padang Seurahet due West Aceh District Government states that the land area of 16.1 hectares located in the village of Pasie Pinang is Government land. Buildings constructed on this land if the Sports and Arts (GORS). The purpose of this study to determine the root causes of conflict and ways of conflict resolution sociology, namely Negotiation, Mediation and Conciliation. The theory used is George Simmel conflict theory and Lewis Coser.untuk REMEDY conflict analysis used the concept of conflict resolution negotiation, mediation and conciliation in the paradigm of sociology. Qualitative research methods were used to obtain research data. The research found that, the Government of West Aceh found, can not be compensated on the ground because it does not do grant legally to the public and the public has been getting its due in the relocation of another tsunami, a native lands in the village of Padang Seurahet been replaced by land and houses in the permanent housing aid donors. Conflict settlement initially reached by way of negotiation and conciliation by the Government of West Aceh District, but did not find the solution, so that the final resolution adopted by law (litigation). Keywords: Land Conflict, Government, Fishermen Society and Conflict Resolution


2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 60-67
Author(s):  
Intan Leliana ◽  
Herry Herry ◽  
Panji Suratriadi ◽  
Edward Enrieco

Corruption is a pervasive global problem with detrimental effects on economic performance, political stability and community integration. Corruption has provided its own moment for the mass media which includes electronic mass media and printed mass media today to be used as the latest news which is called the Headline (headline). One of the news that discusses the new corruption case is the case of Social Assistance Funds (Bansos) at the Ministry of Social Affairs. The Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) which has appointed the Minister of Social Affairs (Mensos) Juliari Batubara as a suspect in the corruption of social assistance (Bansos) for residents affected by the Covid 19 pandemic. The method in this study uses a qualitative description which aims to describe systematically, factually, and accurately about news on the corruption case of Social Affairs Minister for Social Affairs Juliari Batubara in Kompas.Com and BBCIndonesia.com with framing Robert Entman analysis. The results of this study are based on the results of the framing analysis in this study, it is very clear that the role of the media is not limited to conveying information, the times demand the media to play the role of 'watch dog' or guard dog and control for the government and related institutions in formulating every policy. for the benefit of society. The results of the study show that the media Kompas.com and BBCIndonesia.com provide space for information and clarification for the government and the KPK to make all efforts to curb and overcome the problem of corruption in covid 19 social assistance funds. Keywords: Corruption, Framing, Bansos


Author(s):  
Amira Schiff

The study presents an analysis of the conflict resolution process in the Aceh conflict between the government of Indonesia (GoI) and the Free Aceh Movement (“Gerekan Aceh Merdeka” or GAM). Starting with unofficial efforts by the Indonesian side from mid-2003, which eventually led the parties to the negotiation table and to the signing of the Helsinki Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) in August 2005, the peace process put an end to the 30-year conflict over the independence of Aceh. The peaceful resolution of the Aceh conflict will be examined using readiness theory, which posits the factors that lead parties to negotiate and indicates which factors contribute to success in reaching a mutual agreement. The aim of this study is twofold. The first aim is to better understand the factors that led to the MoU. The second aim of this research is to offer a systematic examination of the assumptions of readiness theory, which have been the subject of few case studies to date. The study's findings indicate that the Aceh process was characterized by an increase in the parties’ level of readiness – to the point of being fully ready to sign an agreement. In the pre-negotiation phase the motivation of both parties increased significantly, while the level of optimism rose moderately on the part of the GoI but not GAM, whereas during the negotiations motivation as well as optimism increased significantly on both sides. Nevertheless, the application of readiness theory to the case study also gives rise to a number of questions regarding the theory's hypotheses and scientific status.


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