Особенности становления и развития мамлюкского дома Балфийа

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
V.E. Smirnov
Keyword(s):  
18Th Century ◽  
17Th Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
Functional Evolution ◽  
Organizational System ◽  
Two Generations ◽  
The Military

Аннотация Статья посвящена теме взлёта и падения семейства Балфийа, на примере которого прослеживаются изменения, затронувшие военно-бюрократические институты османского Египта в конце XVII первой половине XVIII в., и определившие их дальнейшую функциональную эволюцию во второй половине XVIII столетия. Основанный одним из высших османских офицерских чинов Хасаном-агой главой (агой) корпуса гёнюллиян дом Балфийа фактически за два поколения эволюционировал в весьма влиятельный мамлюкский бейт со всеми свойственными ему атрибутами и практически ничем не отличался от более старых домов неомамлюкского типа, для которых был характерен отход от традиционного порядка передачи прав, привилегий и наследств мамлюкской знати. Анализ особенностей становления и развития дома Балфийа позволил выявить определённые закономерности формирования властных структур египетской провинции в рассматриваемый период, а также сделать ряд выводов относительно характера их функционирования и взаимодействия. В результате ассимиляции военно-политической элиты оджаков мамлюкской системой организации и патронажа в египетском эялете сложилась высшая военно-политическая группировка в лице мамлюков, которые в конце XVIII в. завладели политической инициативой и начали оспаривать власть у Порты.Abstract The article is dedicated to the rise and fall of the Balfyia family, whose story allows us to see the changes in the military and beaurocratic institutions of Ottoman Egypt in the late 17th first half of the 18th centuries, which in the end determined their functional evolution in the second half of the 18th century. Established by one of the senior Ottoman officers Hasan-aga, the head (aga) or the Gunullian corps the house of Balfyia, within two generations, evolved into a highly influential Mamluk beit, with all of the typical attributes. It was practically indistinguishable from the older houses of the neo-Mamluk type, characterized by their departure from the traditional order of the transfer of rights, privileges and inheritance of Mamluk nobility. The analysis of the peculiar characteristics and evolution of the house of Balfyia allowed us to establish the patterns of the formation of the governing structures of the Egyptian province in the examined period, as well as to make several conclusions on the character of their function and interaction. As a result of the assimilation of the military and political odzhak elites by the Mamluk organizational system and patronage in the Egyptian eyalet, a military-political Mamluk group was shaped that by the late 17th century succeeded in securing the political initiative and even challenged the Porta.

scholarly journals The “Slavic-Russian Nation” in the Historical Literature of Ukraine and Russia from the 1600s to the mid-1700s

Slovene ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 417-447
Author(s):  
Petr S. Stefanovich
Keyword(s):  
18Th Century ◽  
17Th Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
Russian History ◽  
Slavonic Language ◽  
Imperial Identity ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Common ◽  
The Church ◽  
Century Literature

The article analyzes the history of the concept of a “Slavic-Russian nation”. The concept was first used by Zacharia Kopystenskij in 1624, but its wide occurrence starts in 1674, when Synopsis, the first printed history of Russia, was published in Kiev. In the book, “Slavic-Russian nation” refers to an ancient Slavic people, which preceded the “Russian nation” (“rossiyskiy narod”) of the time in which the book was written. Uniting “Slavs” and “Russians” (“rossy”) into one “Slavic-Russian nation”, the author of Synopsis followed the idea which was proposed but not specifically defined by M. Stryjkovskij in his Chronicle (1582) and, later, by the Kievan intellectuals of the 1620s–30s. The construction of Synopsis was to prove that “Russians” (“rossy”) were united by both the common Slavic origin and the Church Slavonic language used by the Orthodox Slavic peoples. According to Synopsis, they were also supposed to be united by the Muscovite tsar’s authority and the Orthodox religion. The whole conception made Synopsis very popular in Russia in the late 17th century and later. Earlier in the 17th-century literature of the Muscovite State, some authors also proposed ethno-genetic constructions based on Stryjkovskij’s Chronicle and other Renaissance historiography. Independently from the Kievan literature, the word “Slavic-Russian” was invented (first appearance in the Legend about Sloven and Rus, 1630s). Both the Kievan and Muscovite constructions of a mythical “Slavic-Russian nation” aimed at making an “imagined” ethno-cultural nation. They contributed to forming a new Russian imperial identity in the Petrine epoch. However, the concept of a “Slavic-Russian nation” was not in demand in the political discourse of the Petrine Empire. It was sporadically used in the historical works of the 18th century (largely due to the influence of Synopsis), but played no significant role in the proposed interpretations of Russian history.

THE EVOLUTION OF THE POLITICAL STATUS OF THE KALMYK KHANA IN RUSSIA

2021 ◽  
Vol 66 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-15
Author(s):  
ALEXANDER V. TSYURUMOV ◽  
◽  
ANDREY A. KURAPOV ◽  
Keyword(s):  
18Th Century ◽  
17Th Century ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Autonomy ◽  
Political Status ◽  
Political Crises ◽  
Russian State ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Russian Empire

The article is devoted to the study of one of the most important problems of modern historical science - the history of the formation of the Russian multinational state. Special attention is paid to the comparative analysis of the state and political statuses of the national autonomies of Russia - the Kalmyk Khanate and the Hetman's Ukraine. The statehood of the Kalmyk nomads arose after their entry into the Russian state in the first half of the 17th century. It is shown that the nature of the Russian-Kalmyk relations during this period makes it possible to define them as a protectorate of Russia over the Kalmyk uluses. The article examines the formation of the Russian-Kalmyk interaction, the evolution of the status, territorial framework and geopolitical position of the Kalmyk Khanate. At the beginning of the second quarter of the 18th century. After the Kazakhs of the Younger Zhuz migrated to Emba, the Kalmyk lands partially lost their border status and began to increasingly resemble the inner territory of the Russian Empire. A gradual transformation of political autonomy into administrative one begins. The article describes the main features of the autonomy of the Kalmyk Khanate in the period of the 17th - early 18th centuries: the preservation of the traditional administrative structure, the concentration of administrative, judicial, legislative and fiscal power in the hands of the secular elite, the inheritance of the supreme power in the Torgout dynasty. The paper determines that the new geopolitical status of the Kalmyk Khanate after the second quarter of the 17th century also changed the state policy in relation to it - the system of government of the khanate was unified, political independence was eliminated, the khanate was being integrated into the general imperial administrative and political system. The restrictive policy of Russia in relation to the Kalmyk Khanate, the government's interference in the hereditary question contributed to the beginning of the political fragmentation of the Khanate in the second half of the 20s - the first half of the 30s of the 18th century, political crises of the second half of the 18th century, and the crisis of 1771. The material presented in the article makes it possible to highlight general patterns in the political status of the Kalmyk Khanate and Ukraine in the 17-18th centuries.

Clothing Laws, State, and Society in the Ottoman Empire, 1720–1829

1997 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 403-425 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donald Quataert
Keyword(s):  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
19Th Century ◽  
18Th Century ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Subsequent Evolution ◽  
Political Autonomy ◽  
State And Society ◽  
The Military

In 1826, Sultan Mahmud II orchestrated the slaughter of 6,000–7,000 janissaries and, in order to incinerate any janissary remnants that had taken refuge there, burned the Belgrade Forest outside Istanbul. During his reign (1808–39), the sultan attacked many of the other bases of the ancien régime, such as the timar system, the lifetime tax farms, and the political autonomy of provincial notables. He also centralized the pious foundations, brought them under a special ministry, and expropriated their revenues. Such stories of Sultan Mahmud's dramatic and violent policies, as well as their 18th-century origins and their 19th-century legacies, are familiar ones in Ottoman and Middle Eastern history. It is a commonplace that Sultan Mahmud aimed to dismantle the power of the military and religious classes in favor of a new bureaucracy of administrators and scribes. And it is also known that his efforts had a major impact on the subsequent evolution of the Tanzimat reform programs during the later 19th century.

scholarly journals Vestirse a la moda en la España modernaDressing fashionably in Modern Era Spain

2017 ◽  
pp. 105 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amalia Descalzo Lorenzo
Keyword(s):  
18Th Century ◽  
Western Culture ◽  
17Th Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
International Level ◽  
Neighboring Country ◽  
Imperial Period ◽  
Important Trend ◽  
Modern Era ◽  
Political Scene

Este artículo analiza el vestido y la moda en la España moderna, ya que ambos adquieren en ese momento una importancia muy significativa. La invención de nuevas prendas femeninas durante el reinado de los Reyes Católicos cambió la silueta de la mujer en toda Europa, y su sentido. El protagonismo del vestido español se acrecentó durante el Imperio, cuando España se convirtió en el centro creador de tendencias más importante de la cultura occidental. Sin embargo, en el siglo XVII, la pérdida de importancia de España en el ámbito político frente a la preponderante Francia relegó su moda a un segundo plano a nivel internacional, al tiempo que llevó a los españoles a adoptar su vestido como elemento de identidad.La llegada de los Borbones marcó la adopción del traje francés. No obstante, en la segunda mitad del siglo XVIII emergió una reacción casticista fomentada por los majos frente a la moda del país vecino imperante en toda Europa.PALABRAS CLAVE: España, moda, vestido, apariencia, siglos XVII-XVIII.ABSTRACTThis article analyses clothing and fashion in Modern Era Spain as both acquired significant importance in those times. The invention of new female garments during the reign of the Catholic King and Queen (Ferdinand and Isabel) changed the female silhouette and its meaning all over Europe. The prominence of Spanish clothing increased during the Imperial period and turned Spain into the most important trend-setting center in Western culture. However, in the 17th century, Spain’s lossof importance on the political scene vis-à-vis the predominance of France overshadowed Spanish fashion at the international level while at the same time making Spaniards adopt their clothes as an element of identity.French clothing was adopted with the arrival of the Bourbons. Nevertheless, in the second half of the 18th century there emerged a purist reaction encouraged by los majos against the fashion of the neighboring country, which was prevalent all over Europe.KEY WORDS: Spain, fashion, dress, appearance, XVII-XVIII centuries.

scholarly journals Destiny and creativity of military draft writers

2020 ◽  
pp. 72-81
Author(s):  
Tatʼyana I. Shamyakina
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Front Line ◽  
Main Attention ◽  
Military Experience ◽  
Social Phenomena ◽  
Great Patriotic War ◽  
Two Generations ◽  
Post War ◽  
Military Draft ◽  
The Military

The attitude of front-line writers and those writers who survived the Great Patriotic War in childhood is considered. The author gives an assessment of the political and social phenomena of the post-war period from the perspective of today. The question is highlighted – the writer and ideology. The main attention is paid to the military experience of writers and their reflection in their work. The prose of the most prominent representatives of two generations of writers is analyzed. Significant for our time, works are also evaluated in terms of plots, images, styles. The work of V. Bykov is investigated in detail. The importance of the work of Belarusian front-line writers in the development of Belarusian literature is indicated.

MILITARY CLASS AND MILITARY ORGANIZATION OF TRADITIONAL CIRCASSIAN SOCIETY (15 – MID 19th CENTURY)

Kavkazologiya ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 12-32
Author(s):  
A.S. MIRZOEV ◽  
Keyword(s):  
19Th Century ◽  
Middle Ages ◽  
18Th Century ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
17Th Century ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Military Organization ◽  
The Real ◽  
The Military ◽  
Demographic Potential

The subject of research in the article is the evolution of the structure, social composition, number, mobilization capabilities, principles of the formation of the military class of Circassia in the period from the 15th to the 60s of the 19th century. The study of these issues contributes to the understanding of the historical-political and socio-economic processes that took place in the Central and North-Western Caucasus during the period from the Late Middle Ages to the New Age. These goals are considered using the principle of historicism, historical-comparative, retrospective, comparative and other methods. The article analyzes the state of sources and historiography, various assessments of researchers on the indicated problem, and expresses its own point of view. The scientific novelty of the proposed article lies in the fact that it defines the main factors that influenced the evolution of the military class of Circassia: the spread in the 17th century. firearms in the form of wick guns and a change in the armament complex during the 18th century, which was the result of the appearance of guns with a rifled barrel and a flint lock. The article deals with the growth of the military class in the 17th century. at the expense of the peasant classes; formation in the 18th century. from the peasant militia, previously used exclusively in the infantry, mounted armless troops; increase in the proportion of the nobility in the structure of the population of the feudal possessions of Circassia. The specifics and differences in the composition of the military class, methods of mobilization, principles of the formation of troops and military organization in the aristocratic and democratic polities of Circassia are noted. On the basis of the analysis of sources, the real and potential military resource of the aristocratic and democratic politicians of Circassia, the demographic potential and their evolution during the period of the 17–19th centuries are determined. In the 15–16th centuries the basis of the armed forces of all the polities of Circassia was a small, professional equestrian army of the nobility. In the period of the 17–19th centuries, the military class of Circassia increased at the expense of various categories of the peasantry. The real military resource of Circassia for the 17th century estimated at 70 thousand people, for the 18 and 19th centuries – about 90 thousand people. The general demographic potential of Circassia in the 18 – mid 19th centuries is estimated at 900 thousand people.

Democrazy—Dem Go Craze, O: Monitoring the 1999 Nigerian Elections

1999 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-33
Author(s):  
Darren Kew
Keyword(s):  
Transition Program ◽  
The Political ◽  
High Stakes ◽  
Political Class ◽  
Soccer Match ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Military

In many respects, the least important part of the 1999 elections were the elections themselves. From the beginning of General Abdusalam Abubakar’s transition program in mid-1998, most Nigerians who were not part of the wealthy “political class” of elites—which is to say, most Nigerians— adopted their usual politically savvy perspective of siddon look (sit and look). They waited with cautious optimism to see what sort of new arrangement the military would allow the civilian politicians to struggle over, and what in turn the civilians would offer the public. No one had any illusions that anything but high-stakes bargaining within the military and the political class would determine the structures of power in the civilian government. Elections would influence this process to the extent that the crowd influences a soccer match.

Arte ConTexto

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 29-52
Author(s):  
Antonio Bellisario ◽  
Leslie Prock
Keyword(s):  
Public Space ◽  
Political Violence ◽  
Pictorial Representation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Political Dimension ◽  
Political Views ◽  
Socialist Government ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Military

The article examines Chilean muralism, looking at its role in articulating political struggles in urban public space through a visual political culture perspective that emphasizes its sociological and ideological context. The analysis characterizes the main themes and functions of left-wing brigade muralism and outlines four subpolitical phases: (i) Chilean mural painting’s beginnings in 1940–1950, especially following the influence of Mexican muralism, (ii) the development of brigade muralism for political persuasion under the context of revolutionary sociopolitical upheaval during the 1960s and in the socialist government of Allende from 1970 to 1973, (iii) the characteristics of muralism during the Pinochet dictatorship in the 1980s as a form of popular protest, and (iv) muralism to express broader social discontent during the return to democracy in the 1990s. How did the progressive popular culture movement represent, through murals, the political hopes during Allende’s government and then the political violence suffered under the military dictatorship? Several online repositories of photographs of left-wing brigade murals provide data for the analysis, which suggests that brigade muralism used murals mostly for political expression and for popular education. Visual art’s inherent political dimension is enmeshed in a field of power constituted by hegemony and confrontation. The muralist brigades executed murals to express their political views and offer them to all spectators because the street wall was within everyone's reach. These murals also suggested ideas that went beyond pictorial representation; thus, muralism was a process of education that invited the audience to decipher its polysemic elements.

The Concept of “Zemsky Sobor” in the Interpretation of State Authority in Russia of the 19th Century: From Karamzin to Stepnyak-Kravchinsky

2018 ◽  
Vol 42 ◽  
pp. 140-155
Author(s):  
Dmitry A. Badalyan
Keyword(s):  
19Th Century ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
17Th Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
Key Concepts ◽  
State Authority ◽  
The 19Th Century

“Zemsky Sobor” was one of the key concepts in Russian political discourse in the 19th and the beginning of the 20th centuries. It can be traced to the notion well-known already since the 17th century. Still in the course of further evolution it received various mew meaning and connotations in the discourse of different political trends. The author of the article examines various stages of this concept configuring in the works of the Decembrists, especially Slavophiles, and then in the political projects and publications of the socialists, liberals and “aristocratic” opposition.

State-run celebration of Liberation Day in Czechoslovakia (based on audiovisual sources)

2019 ◽  
pp. 251-268
Author(s):  
Timur Gimadeev
Keyword(s):  
Political Development ◽  
Communist Regime ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Historical Experience ◽  
History Of ◽  
Post War ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Military

The article deals with the history of celebrating the Liberation Day in Czechoslovakia organised by the state. Various aspects of the history of the holiday have been considered with the extensive use of audiovisual documents (materials from Czechoslovak newsreels and TV archives), which allowed for a detailed analysis of the propaganda representation of the holiday. As a result, it has been possible to identify the main stages of the historical evolution of the celebrations of Liberation Day, to discover the close interdependence between these stages and the country’s political development. The establishment of the holiday itself — its concept and the military parade as the main ritual — took place in the first post-war years, simultaneously with the consolidation of the Communist regime in Czechoslovakia. Later, until the end of the 1960s, the celebrations gradually evolved along the political regime, acquiring new ritual forms (ceremonial meetings, and “guards of memory”). In 1968, at the same time as there was an attempt to rethink the entire socialist regime and the historical experience connected with it, an attempt was made to reconstruct Liberation Day. However, political “normalisation” led to the normalisation of the celebration itself, which played an important role in legitimising the Soviet presence in the country. At this stage, the role of ceremonial meetings and “guards of memory” increased, while inventions released in time for 9 May appeared and “May TV” was specially produced. The fall of the Communist regime in 1989 led to the fall of the concept of Liberation Day on 9 May, resulting in changes of the title, date and paradigm of the holiday, which became Victory Day and has been since celebrated on 8 May.

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